Spain Backs Away From Anti-Abortion Reforms

It’s not just the United States that struggles over competing beliefs about abortion.

In Spain, pro-choice advocates won one of their biggest international victories of the decade when the country’s conservative government this week backed down on plans to implement a restrictive new abortion law.

Spanish justice minister Alberto Ruiz-Gallardón resigned Tuesday after prime minister Mariano Rajoy’s cabinet dropped plans for legislation that would heavily restrict abortion rights in the European Union’s fifth-most populous country. The law would have largely rolled back liberalizations enacted by the previous center-left government of prime minister José Luis Zapatero.

Though Rajoy and the People’s Party (PP) promised abortion reforms in the campaign that led to their election in December 2011, the legislation has been stalled by political opposition, not just from regional and leftist parties, but within corners of the People’s Party itself, including several prominent party leaders. They include the regional president of Galicia, Alberto Núñez Feijóo, who in January called on the national government to tone down the ambitions of its abortion bill, and the deputy speaker of the Congreso de los Diputados (Congress of Deputies), Celia Villalobos.

Nevertheless, Gallardón had increasingly staked his credibility as justice minister on the bill’s success, arguing earlier this year that the legislation would advance by the end of the summer. That didn’t happen and, on Friday, Rajoy’s cabinet refused to advance the bill.

The abortion bill would have eliminated first-trimester on-demand abortions, which were legalized in Spain only in 2010 when the Zapatero government liberalized abortion laws that correspond to standards generally applicable across the European Union.

If Gallardón had succeeded, abortion would have become, once again, legal only in the cases of rape and incest and in the event that the health or life of the mother is at stake. Gallardón’s reforms would have even eliminated a long-standing exception, established in the first wave of abortion decriminalization in 1985, on the basis of fetal deformities.

In backing away from the issue, Rajoy said on Tuesday that the cabinet had taken a ‘sensible’ position, though his government still hopes to introduce rules that would require 16- and 17-year-olds to obtain parental consent prior to terminating a pregnancy.

The Zapatero-era abortion law allows women to terminate unwanted pregnancies for up to 14 weeks or, in certain circumstances, such as fetal abnormalities, up to 22 weeks.

Though it was an unqualified political defeat for Gallardón, it’s probably a smart political move for the Rajoy government, which must face voters no later than December 2015. The abortion bill has alienated moderates and female voters who might otherwise be inclined to support Rajoy and the center-right.

A September 15 Invymark poll shows that the PP still has the most support, 29.2%, but that three leftist parties split a much larger share of the vote. The center-left Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE), under the leadership of the young economist Pedro Sánchez, would win 20.7%, the rising Podemos, which emerged from the ‘indignado‘ movement of unemployed Spanish workers, would win 17.6%, and the communist United Left (IU) would win 7.4%.

Sánchez is desperate to win back traditional leftist voters, who are still angry with the PSOE’s efforts to raise taxes and trim budgets before the Rajoy government took power (which has increased taxes and cut spending even further in a bid to avoid a European-level bailout). But if the PSOE and Podemos joined forces after the next election, their coalition might easily form a new government.

Entering election season still championing a divisive abortion reform bill would have made Rajoy’s path to reelection even more difficult. Though Spain remains a highly Catholic and largely conservative society, it also has a tradition of permissiveness with respect to personal matters, and it was the third European country to legalize same-sex marriage, which preceded the Zapatero government’s abortion liberalization reforms by five years.

It’s perhaps most baffling why the Rajoy government remained committed to the law at all when Zapatero’s reforms seemed so uncontroversial. The insistence on rolling back the abortion reforms has led to speculation over the influence of Opus Dei within Rajoy’s party, and also that the government was keen on using abortion as a wedge issue to distract from Spanish economic depression and unemployment.

Though anti-abortion activists have decried the government’s decision, Rajoy is unlikely to pay a strong political price in backing away from the abortion bill. Unlike in neighboring Portugal, there’s no Spanish social conservative party to pressure the PP from the religious right, or in neighboring France, a far-right group like Front national (National Front) that, despite its emphasis on immigration and European integration, has staked out social conservative positions on traditional ‘values’ issues like same-sex marriage and abortion. Given the fragmentation of Spain’s once solidly two-party system, which tracks the country’s deep economic depression and unemployment, it’s perhaps surprising that a populist conservative alternative hasn’t emerged to Rajoy’s PP.

Gallardón, a great-grandson of perhaps Spain’s leading composer for piano, Isaac Albéniz, is a madrileño by birth, and Madrid is where he has made his political career — elected to the city council in 1983, to Madrid’s assembly in 1987, as president of the autonomous community of Madrid in 1995 and as mayor of the city of Madrid in 2003 — until he became a member of the Rajoy government in December 2011 as justice minister.

Gallardón on Tuesday not only resigned as Spain’s justice minister, but announced his complete retirement from politics, including as a deputy in the Spanish parliament and his leadership positions within the party:

“In life, you have to be consistent,” he added. “I really wanted to tell PP voters and anyone else who believed in our project that this was going to be successful. But sometimes great achievements take longer than one thinks. And I am convinced that the debate that has opened up here on such a sensitive issue is a positive thing for Spain, despite the personal costs to myself.”

Kevin Lees is an attorney in Washington, D.C., and the editor and chief policy analyst of Suffragio.org.

Goodell Can't Get It Right Without the Help of Black Women

This post originally appeared at clutchmagonline.com

So this is what it feels like to be invisible. Even when the world is watching. Even when an institution worth billions is rocked to its core. Even when it’s our face, plastered all over television screens, and stuck in endless loops of shocking, brutal violence. Even with all that, when it comes to crafting an effective solution to a problem that most assuredly sits squarely within our lived reality, as Black women, we somehow find ourselves still pushed aside and overtly confined to a narrow space of irrelevancy. Even when it’s our voices that remain necessary to make it right.

No more.

I watched NFL Commissioner Roger Goodell’s press conference last week and saw before me a clearly minimized man. Contrite. Apologetic. He had no choice but to do what I’m sure must have been exceedingly uncomfortable for him, if for no other reason than pure lack of experience. Humbling oneself is never easy. But I imagine it’s especially challenging for those who have lived a lifetime of entitlement and unquestioned authority. Still, I have to give it to him. He put on a good show–at least for a while. Appearing deeply remorseful, he wore the mask of regret well. Lamenting over and over again, the sting of disappointment, first, to himself, then, to the NFL and finally, to the fans. But when it came to the prospect of disappointing Black women, he showed no such concern, no empathetic musings, and no admissions of wrong-doings of the past. For us, it seems, he is more than willing to stand in the on-going catastrophe of what has proven to be the complete inadequacy of his own disastrous decision-making. For us, he remains unmoved.

A week before, as a member of the Black Women’s Roundtable, I was one of those who signed an open letter to Roger Goodell seeking a meeting to discuss the conspicuous absence of Black women from his newly announced Domestic Violence Advisory Panel. Given the massive over-representation of Black women among the nation’s domestic violence and sexual assault victims, and because the League itself is over two-thirds Black, we were right to point out that an all-white Advisory Panel would not provide the cultural competency that is indeed necessary to effectively turn the tide in the NFL’s war against abusive behavior.

Our concerns were echoed again last week when the lone Black female journalist in the room, after several attempts, finally captured the Commissioner’s full attention. She put the question to him directly, and this time, on live TV.She wondered, as had we, how Goodell could justify the glaring omission of Black women as part of the team of external advisers he had amassed to help him craft a plan to deal with domestic violence and sexual assault within the NFL. No sooner had the words escaped her mouth, did his cloak of contrition fall, to be replaced by the arrogance and entitlement that seemingly suited him in a much more comfortable manner.

“Well that’s not true!” he shot back. Dodging the question completely he referenced NFL staff, one of whom is an African American woman, and according to Goodell, has “great experience in this area.”

I remain unconvinced.

Any of us who have ever worked, went to school, or merely breathed in overwhelmingly white spaces knows the feeling of being expected to be the expert in all things Black just by mere accident of our common existence. So Goodell’s insistence of this, no doubt, highly capable sister’s domestic violence bona fides, I personally, find somewhat less than convincing. But even if I’m wrong, and this mystery woman truly has worked on the issue for years, her glaring omission from the Advisory Board that Goodell just announced last week, becomes even more perplexing. Why then, is the head of this newly announced Board a completely different NFL executive? What made her more qualified for this position, than the Black woman whom he now claims has been doing this work for years? Playing the sistah-card and trotting her out now as merely one of countless NFL employees to weigh in on the matter, is insufficient to meet our demand for the inclusion of external Black women experts with a track record of demonstrated expertise in the development and implementation of culturally specific services, policies, and programs designed precisely to address domestic violence and sexual assault within the Black community. Admittedly, it’s good to see that Goodell does indeed employ at least one Black body that isn’t placed at risk of career-ending injury on a weekly basis, but her mere existence is far from enough.

What’s critical to understand here is that this is more than a call for diversity for diversity’s sake. No one is asking Goodell to check off some invisible box of inclusion, only to get a Black face in a space where none now exists. We know, all too well, that Blackness for Blackness sake is woefully inadequate for true representation and effectiveness (cue Clarence Thomas). Instead, what we’re calling for here is the key missing ingredient that is absolutely necessary to finally, devise an approach to addressing abusive behavior in the NFL in a way that actually matches the context in which it overwhelmingly exists. In essence, what we’re asking for is what the commissioner has already pledged to attempt to do. What we demand, Mr. Commissioner, is that you finally “get it right.”

Now, we of course, know that the problem of domestic violence can be found far beyond the realm of the NFL, and in fact touches every community, regardless of race, ethnicity, or socioeconomic status. But the sad reality is that with the lone and tragic exception of Native American women, no other woman in America today is more likely to be beaten at the hands of someone she loves and trusts than a Black woman. Still, precisely because we’ve had a front row seat to the danger that awaits Black men throughout every level of society, and particularly within the space of the criminal justice system, we are especially likely to slip into the role of protector, and privilege the needs of our abuser, even if that means putting our own lives in danger again, and again, and again.

I know this, because I’ve lived it.

I am that one out of nearly every three Black women in America who has survived an abusive relationship. I understand all too well the deadly mix of isolation, fear, and racial solidarity that makes exposing the pain of abuse paralyzing for some and a complete non-starter for others. I’ve been that woman who’s had the police show up at my door only to send them away in the desire to defend the indefensible and to protect the person I still, inexplicably, loved.

You see, unlike the catchy tune of an abusive entertainer or the foolish parroting of a popular pastor, the fact of the matter is, Black women are loyal. Too loyal. And our loyalty is killing us. Today we are nearly three times as likely to die at the hands of a spouse, boyfriend, or significant other than White women in the same situation. And because of this along with a wide range of other nuanced factors that are distinct to the African American experience, it is critical that any advisory team Goodell amasses specifically include Black women domestic violence experts who can provide a specialized, external perspective on the problem in order to ensure the cultural competency this complex issue needs and deserves actually takes place.

Join us in sounding the alarm. We are the solution that thus far has been so evasive for the NFL to grasp. Sign the petition here, and tell Roger Goddell, it’s time to get it right.

Dr. Avis Jones-DeWeever is the President and CEO of Incite Unlimited and serves in the role of Sr. Public Policy Advisor to the Black Women’s Roundtable.

Assad Unlikely to Compromise for US Coalition

The Syrian government was quick to inform the world it was aware of US and Arab allied strikes hitting the Islamic State (IS). A statement released on Syrian state television hours after the first strikes early Sept. 23 said Syria was informed via Washington’s UN envoy, which was confirmed shortly afterward by Pentagon spokesman John Kirby.

The regime is keen to present the image it is not being sidelined by military actions taking place on its soil, for it would constitute a violation of its self-perceived legitimacy as the sovereign ruler of Syria. Its two main sponsors, Russia and Iran, were kick to criticize the US-led strikes, urging Washington coordinate with the Syrian government in any action on its territory.

Although it may appear President Bashar al-Assad would stand to gain from US strikes against his enemies, there are concerns over the uncertainty of how far US military action in Syria will go. The US is reported to have assured Iran prior to the attack that it would not target Assad’s forces, but it is unclear whether the Syrian government gave consent to the strikes, or whether the US requested it. If no consent was given, it would demonstrate a significant turning point in the Syrian conflict, whereby the US has decided to act without UN cover, opening the possibility for expanded military action in the future.

The strikes place the spotlight on the Syrian government, and its primary sponsor Iran, who have so far refused to compromise on a political settlement in the Syrian crisis to enable open cooperation with the US. Tuesday’s attacks show that the US will conduct military action in Syria with or without an official arrangement with the Assad regime.

Failure to reach a compromise over the Syrian conflict will be a golden opportunity gone begging. There appears to be consensus on the need for a ground force in Syria to complement US air strikes to maximise the chances of defeating the Islamic State. Militarily, the best able ground force in Syria is the Syrian army, but Western powers are adamant that there will be no cooperation with the Assad regime.

The ideal scenario would be a political solution to the Syrian crisis that produces a unity government with pledges to reform the political system and economy, and reintegrates Syrian rebel forces into the Syrian army. This would then provide the troops on the ground the West needs to roll back advances by the Islamic State.

But such compromises do not appear forthcoming from the Assad regime, potentially jeopardizing a needed partnership with Washington to defeat IS. Rumours have been circulating among nationalist circles close to Damascus that Assad recently rejected an Iranian suggestion that he create a unity government with the Muslim Brotherhood, thus winning crucial endorsement from Turkey. Both a Syrian government official and a senior Syrian Muslim Brotherhood official denied these rumours when asked, but nationalist circles close to Damascus say the Iranians have long proposed this solution, given, as one informed Syrian source said, Tehran’s ideological affinity to the Brotherhood.

Sources close to Damascus indicate that the Assad regime is still of the belief that it is in the advantageous position, and it is only a matter of time before Western powers come to Damascus seeking its aid, without the need to compromise.

Such a policy does not come without its roots. The Baathist regime’s strategy to ‘weather the storm’ has largely defined its relations — and proven successful — with the West over the decades. The Assad regime has often sought to stave off Western attempts to dislodge it from power by raising the cost of its removal, thus proving its indispensability to regional stability.

In the 1980s, Israeli and US intervention in the Lebanese Civil War was seen as a direct threat to the Syrian regime, then under the rule of Hafez al-Assad. The regime fought to ensure Israel’s attempts to bring Lebanon under its wing failed. It worked; it weathered the storm for 15 years, and by 1990, the Americans offered Lebanon on a silver platter to Assad in exchange for his support in the First Gulf War.

The second crisis faced by the Syrian regime came with the invasion of Iraq in 2003, and the turbulence that befell Lebanon following the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik al-Hariri in 2005. The Assad regime — now under Bashar’s rule — again saw the dark clouds encircling, and manoeuvred to remind the West of its value in power.

By 2008, then French President Nicolas Sarkozy visited Syria, and in 2010, the Obama administration reappointed an envoy to Damascus. The Assad regime again weathered the storm, without compromise, tactfully proving its value to the West.

The regime believes it can weather the storm for the third time, and just as in previous crises, the West will again be the first to blink. Assad’s priority is to maintain control of the ‘Syria core,’ which consists of Damascus, regions adjacent to the Lebanese border, the central corridor to Homs and Hama, and the coast.

Controlling Syria’s key urban centres in the regime’s calculations is controlling most of Syria, ensuring it remains the main power in the country. Large swathes of desert and impoverished border regions — where the Islamic State and other rebel groups are strong — are of secondary importance, as far as the regime is concerned.

Assad is confident the Syrian army, backed by its current allies, can defend its ‘core’ from the Islamic State and the rebels without greater external support. What it can’t do is commit to offensives to recapture desert territory currently under IS rule, particularly with rebels challenging in other parts of the country, such as Quneitra, Qalamoun and Ghouta. But the regime is betting it can survive in its ‘Syria core’ long enough until the West has explored all other options, and finally arrives at the realization that it has no other choice but to ask for its help — without demanding the departure of Assad.

So far statements from Western leaders suggest that day may not be fast approaching, but the regime is content in playing the waiting game.

Five Things Christians Should Understand About Inequality

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More than we believe in God, we believe in meritocracy.

Our society has faith that talented, innovative and hard-working individuals deserve to be significantly rewarded far beyond the daily wage of others. I probably do not know anyone who thinks we should all be paid the same amount. However the level of inequality that we justify on the basis of merit has reached historical and global record heights. This is the god, the false idol, we most often worship.

Jesus cared a great deal for the poor. Christians believe that all people are equally loved by God. However, the institutional structures that protect human dignity in our society are becoming frayed and worn.

In his book Capital in the Twenty-First Century Thomas Piketty makes five observations that modern Christians should know in order to take the teaching of Jesus seriously.

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1. Capital Accumulates
Perhaps Piketty’s most startling claim is that history may still prove Karl Marx (1818-1883) correct. So far Marx seems wrong in his views on religion and the withering away of the state. Marx fails to understand the usefulness of prices determined by supply and demand as a way to organize society.

However Marx may be right in his description of the way capital tends to become concentrated in fewer and fewer hands. This occurs in part because of economies of scale through which larger investors receive higher returns. The situation may become so extreme that it leads to the social conditions that ultimately destroy the basis for modern democratic states. What effect do oil oligarchs have on the prospects for representative government Russia?

2. America’s conflicted heritage with regard to inequality
Piketty believes that Europe and America have two different primary problems when it comes to inequality. He predicts that in the future Europe will face increasing inequality because of a declining population which dampens growth and increases the importance of inherited wealth.

Americans have conflicted attitudes about inequality in part because of our history. In many respects during the 19th century we were two different nations. The north was characterized by a great deal of opportunity and upward mobility with a flood of immigrants creating new wealth.

However, in the south forty percent of the population were slaves. The economic value of these slaves was actually equal to the value of the land their masters owned. As a result the plantation owners controlled more wealth as a class than the nobility of Europe.

3. In thirty years tax policy has made American society vastly more unequal
Piketty points out that during the 1950s and 1960s the United States had more equally distributed income and greater social mobility than France. Since the 1980s this has changed radically. During the 1980s in the United Kingdom and the United States the fear that other nations were surpassing us led to very large decreases in the tax rates on the highest tax brackets.

If you grew up before the 1980s you have practical experience of what a more equal society felt like. The quality of education was more even across various school districts. Immensely wealthy individuals played less of a role in setting social priorities. Less of a gulf distinguished the experience of the rich and poor. There were no skyboxes in sports stadiums and Americans had more experience with people from different social classes.

J. Bradford DeLong writes:

“Last generation’s Michigan governor and American Motors president George Romney lived in a large-but-not-abnormal house and bossed a company that created lots of good jobs at good wages. This generation’s Massachusetts governor and Bain Capital CEO Mitt Romney has seven houses worth perhaps $25m in total, and bossed a company whose core business model appears to have been exploiting legal anomalies like the fact that pension funds have little control over their money after it’s invested.”

In large part as a result of tax policy we are on track to becoming the most unequal society the world has known since the Industrial Revolution. The top ten percent owns 72 percent of the country’s wealth. The bottom fifty percent owns less than 2 percent of the wealth. Piketty writes, “wealth is so concentrated that a large segment of society is virtually unaware of its existence…”

From 1977 to 2007 the richest one percent absorbed nearly 60 percent of our economic growth. The growth rate over that period for the bottom ninety percent has been stagnant at less than 0.5 percent per year.

4. In the future there may be no middle class
In 1910 there was almost no European middle class. The upper ten percent owned 90 percent or virtually all of the wealth. The middle forty percent owned the same as the bottom forty percent (each had 5 percent).

Perhaps the memory of that kind of society is the reason that other nations have maintained higher taxes on the top income brackets and why there is so much more social mobility and equality in Germany, France, Japan, Sweden and Denmark.

5. Income does not measure a person’s social contribution
As Americans we refuse to admit that wealth does not measure the value of a worker’s contribution to society. Last year hedge fund manager Steven Cohen made $2.3 billion dollars despite a $1.8 billion dollar fine when he plead guilty to insider trading. At the same time the average pay for a social worker is $38,000 per year. Hospital orderlies make on average $24,190. Childcare providers are paid $21,490.

In Silicon Valley where I live it currently costs $30,000 per year to rent an apartment. The working poor, the ones who cannot even afford a place to live, often contribute a great deal more to society than the highly paid people who merely move money around.

I do not share Thomas Piketty’s confidence that vastly different societies and epochs can so easily be compared with economic statistics. But Christians should be grateful to someone who shows that we do not need to live by the myth that the market will ensure that everyone is paid according to their merit.

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