Inequality Is Connected, Any Color Any Land

I probably surprised many people when I fell in love with a woman. After all, I didn’t look like a lesbian, but like an average, long-haired, white girl from the Midwest. My college best friend Lois was probably the most shocked of all, though she hid it well. That is, until I announced my wedding. Then she sent an email, saying how “Congratulations” would be a lie, given that I was walking into darkness and suffering and all.

I was inseparable from Lois in college. I was quirky and loud to offset her soft sweetness. We took road trips across states, ate ice cream every day, studied, joined clubs as a pair. I convinced her to sneak around town at night, writing happy messages in sidewalk chalk. We invented holidays. We threw corn kernels into obscure places to make wishes. She was alternately baffled at my unpredictable fire, and my biggest fan. I was amused at her naiveté, and loved her devotion to me.

Sometimes I went with her to church. I believed in the overarching ideas of loving neighbors and a humanity that was headed somewhere, while Lois was what Rob called a turbo-Christian. Rob and I would know. We gravitated toward the Christian crowd because they didn’t party and made reasonably good choices. In whatever time I wasn’t spending with her, I dated Rob. He and I skated on the periphery of the Christian circles, unsure together.

We finished college and Lois got married in a way that only God or Disney could orchestrate. I stood up at her wedding wondering if she was savvy enough to be out in the world. Yet she seemed to live in a different world than most of us. The God tentacles then reached into every region of her brain, into every conversation. I admired this. Her faith was a testimony for her magical life and vice versa. She settled into marriage and I filled my life with new best friends.

Calls, visits, updates, our different paths still inspired each other, right up until the email. I wrote responses, some in God language, some not. I never sent any of them.

My life grew in some ways she would have relished: my wedding on a farm near our college, with a double rainbow; my efforts to become a writer, an undertaking she began long before I did; the shared transition into motherhood, as we both started families.

I also didn’t talk to Lois about my move to a neighborhood and country that struggles with inequality in ways that take my breath away. Each morning in the car I see hundreds of black South Africans walking miles from township to suburb to work for white people. I squirm when the servers in the restaurants are all black, the management and patrons all white, and when housecleaners are referred to as “domestics.” I heard a rumor that white South African women have babies by C-section, because they don’t want to give birth the way black women do. I collect scenes when I witness genuine camaraderie across racial lines. In two years, I can still count these on two hands.

On the day Mandela died, the air in the country resonated with loss for their leader, love pulsing and gathering. Signs and billboards bidding him Hamba kakuhle grew out of the ground like weeds. I saw teens weeping in each other’s arms. My family and I drove out of our complex, and waving to our black guards, Joseph and Shaka. We went to Soweto, to the street where Nelson Mandela and Desmond Tutu once both lived. Joseph and Shaka were stuck at work.

Vilakazi Street was filled with parading, dancing, singing and celebrating. We were among very few white faces. Everyone except us knew the words to the resistance songs, the stomping and spinning, the call and response orchestrated like they’d been rehearsing for weeks. In reality, these songs were simply etched in their story. Some of these people sang in the same streets when apartheid raged.

We sat at a crowded outdoor restaurant and from within the celebration a woman approached. Her poster showed a picture of an older Mandela, fist in the air, and the words Your freedom and mine cannot be separated. She sat and collected herself while the songs and colors swirled. “Thank you for coming to Soweto to be with us,” she said.

“There is nowhere we would rather be. Thank you for sharing your leader with the world.” I smiled.

“This is all Mandela wanted,” she replied. “To have whites and blacks sitting at a table together.”

A few months later my father contacted me with news that Lois had called, crying, saying she needed to talk me, to apologize.

That evening I sat on the couch, looking at my wife, feeling so tender, so protective. I suddenly sensed how deeply the taproot of discrimination sinks in, through layer upon layer of self. With Lois, I was preparing to face a judge about to pardon me, when I had no reason to be on trial in the first place. I fumed with resentment that her judgment my marriage seemed smaller, less than hers. There was no way I could ever feel she respected me, not with her words in our past.

What surged in me that night was a new shade of empathy for black South Africans. After being beaten down for generations they were told, “Our bad. You can be equal now.” That those in power could grant equality demonstrated that they were, in fact, superior. Steps like these, in the right direction, are still embedded in the systems they try to erase.

Accepting an apology is costly, in ways I hadn’t dared imagining. My heart knotted each time I passed Joseph and Shaka at the gate, knowing they must have similar moments of gathering their pride in the stale air of unfairness. I wanted to hug them, to yell from the rooftops, You have always been equal! Instead, I lamented on my couch for my own tiny drop in the injustice bucket.

After a few days of looking around with a wider, more sensitive heart, I called Lois. Not because I wanted to. I called because I felt a kinship to the black people in this country who still held their heads up high.

I recognized every nuance of her voice. “I need to ask your forgiveness. I don’t want to break relationships. I’ve learned a lot about God’s love in the last few years …” On and on she went. I remained guarded, but relieved she was growing.

I told her I forgave her. I told her how the past few days had stretched my heart in ways I was ultimately grateful for. I asked what changed her mind.

“I still believe you what you’re doing is wrong. I’m just sorry I said it in a way that hurt you. Maybe this is a topic we shouldn’t discuss.”

My heart stumbled and I looked around the room, trying to figure out what conversation I was actually in. She wanted to be friends, but ignore that I had a wife and kid? “Well,” I said, “if you ever learn about love in some other new ways and want to talk as equals, I’ll be here. Happily married and willing.”

“God’s word is unchanging,” she said.

“But… we are always learning. And there are many new lands still ahead for each of us.”

I hung up, sweating, filled with a victorious sense of self-preservation. And shortly afterwards, guilt. I was the gay person in Lois’s life. Didn’t that make it my responsibility to show her the goodness of my marriage, to schlep her heart across to that other shore? Though she lived in Tennessee and I in South Africa, wasn’t that my assigned role in advancing human rights?

I called Rob, now a lawyer for the ACLU. He told me not to worry, that people like Lois were his job. Again, the landscape shifted in my heart. With a few words, an atheist ex-boyfriend showed me the power, the aching gratitude, buried in solidarity.

I thought of the men at my gate and the people in the country around me. When it comes to equality, I stand on one side of the struggle as a gay person, but on the other side every day as a white one. Both of these positions are hopeful, daunting, and powerful, on every shore I call home.

Bitter Fights Over DHS Brought Down A Democrat In 2002. Could It Happen To The GOP In 2016?

WASHINGTON — Nearly 13 years later, it remains one of the most infamous campaign ads of the post 9/11 era.

A 30-second spot that then-Rep. Saxby Chambliss (R-Ga.) ran against Sen. Max Cleland (D-Ga.) in 2002 earned its notoriety by casting Cleland, a triple-amputee Vietnam veteran, as soft on the war on terror.

The ad, which contained images of Osama bin Laden and Saddam Hussein, listed the votes Cleland had cast around the creation of the Department of Homeland Security. Cleland had pushed to give DHS employees civil service protections, pitting him against President George W. Bush on the issue. But the ad’s copy suggested that he had opposed the creation of the department itself.

It worked. Though tarred forever for dabbling in gutter politics, Chambliss emerged victorious and served two terms in the Senate.

More than a decade later, the Department of Homeland Security is once again in political crosshairs. House Republicans are threatening to let the agency’s funding lapse unless the appropriations bill includes language blocking President Barack Obama’s immigration executive actions. Senate Democrats won’t pass such a measure, and even if they did, the president would veto it.

The agency’s money is set to run out on Friday. DHS officials warn that programs will come to a halt, and that some employees will be furloughed and others will work without pay.

If that happens, however, don’t expect ads like the Cleland one to return. The operative behind the spot said it simply wouldn’t be effective in the current political climate, since the agency has come to represent bureaucratic largess as much as, if not more than, a deterrent to foreign threats.

“Back then, we thought DHS was on the front line against Osama bin Laden. Now we think DHS is fondling my junk in the airport,” said Rick Wilson, a Florida-based Republican known for his acerbic tweeting and bare-knuckled ad-making.

“We also have to look at where we are today, in terms of bin Laden is dead but ISIS is alive. And ISIS is, in many ways, more horrific at the retail level than bin Laden was,” Wilson said. “I don’t think voters think DHS is going to protect them from this nihilistic craziness. They think, drop a bomb on those motherfuckers.”

In an interview with The Huffington Post, Wilson discussed the strategy behind the creation of the original spot and why similar attacks would fall flat if Democrats tried to use them today. An edited transcript is below.

How was the Cleland ad put together?
Tom Purdue, the general consultant [on the Chambliss campaign], is blunt, rough, and puts up with no bullshit. He wanted something that hit on the national security front that would really give us a bump. And the pollster and I kind of knocked it together over the course of a Friday afternoon and all of us thought, ‘Holy shit, this is a fairly hot business right here.’

I can’t take full credit for writing every line of it. Tom had the genesis and idea. And, you know, everyone around the table knew there was going to be a Democratic shitstorm about it. Everyone characterized it as we besmirched his service and attacked his personal life … All these things that just weren’t true were all thrown out there. And [Sen. John] McCain lost his mind about it. McCain wanted to cut everybody’s head within a thousand mile radius. But look, the ad moved numbers.

Was there any trepidation in the room?
No. If you go back to the mechanics of the votes, and I don’t remember which one was which now because it’s been forever, but if you go back, a lot of the stuff [Cleland] was saying no on was the stuff the unions were having a problem with…. And the thought was that the ruins were practically still smoking and this guy is politicizing these votes.

You have to remember the world we were living in. We had guys fighting in the Hills of Afghanistan at that point trying to find bin Laden. It was a top of mind issue for everyday voters, that we look back and retrospect and it’s like bellbottoms. We don’t get it. But it was definitely there.

So no one was hesitant at all?
When the ad came out, Scott Howell, who was the initial media consultant on the campaign, was so scared of it he went out and denounced it. He was like, ‘I didn’t do that ad, no way, didn’t have anything to do with it.’ There is a Chris Cillizza story about it. I think Cillizza did a story years ago saying Howell renounced the ad. And everyone around the table was like: ‘Pussy.’

The Washington Post story Wilson referenced is here. Howell did not immediately return a request for comment.

Describe what you were trying to do with the spot.
The ad was built ugly. The ad was built to look like it was primitive and quick and knocked off instantaneously. It is an ugly ad. It is a hideously looking ad because we wanted people to focus on the votes.

The mechanism itself is pretty simple and basic. We knew back then that saying the words ‘against the president’s vital homeland security efforts’ [would work]. At the time, George Bush had about a 68 or 64 percent approval rating in Georgia. Solid gold, OK? We were lining up Senate candidates and House candidates to go to the White House to get the two-second walk down the White House portico to get the piece of videotape because it was worth its weight in platinum.

Could you run a DHS-themed attack ad in the current climate?
Well, here’s the thing. Back then, we thought DHS was on the front line against Osama bin Laden. Now we think DHS is fondling my junk in the airport … and it has become this metastasized federal behemoth that no one likes and no one trusts and no one thinks is doing the actual job of protecting us.

I know it will be hard for you to do this, but play the role of Democratic ad-maker. What would you do with the DHS funding showdown?
I would be very cautious if I were a Democrat because you push this button and Republicans have a counter ad that says ‘We wanted this and they filibustered. They did the Washington D.C. thing they do. They blocked progress.’ There is a rejoinder on this one that didn’t exist in 2002.

Tips for Recognizing and Preventing Nanny Burnout

No matter how wonderful your nanny is or how dedicated she is to your children, there may come a time when she’s feeling a little burned out on the job. As you know, caring for a child’s daily needs is tough work, and as with any job, over time, the demands can take their toll. Nanny burnout can ultimately lead to your nanny’s exit, either because she quits or because you feel she’s no longer right for the job. What’s more, it likely means that your children are not receiving the best possible care.

You can help keep your beloved nanny from reaching the point of no return by recognizing the signs of burnout and taking steps to keep her and your family happy with the care she provides.

Possible Warning Signs of Nanny Burnout

While it may be that your dear nanny is just having a bad day or struggling with a personal issue, these warning signs could also signal that she could use a break:

1. Behavioral Changes
Your nanny appears as though she’s lost interest in the kids she cares for or in the job requirements. She’s regularly irritable and appears to have a low level of patience. If you see changes in your nanny’s behavior, ask your friends if they see her distracted or doing something other than paying attention to your child when they see them together at the park or school pick up.

2. Fatigue
Your nanny used to be up for running the kids to and from school, stopping at the playground with them to play catch and thought nothing of wrestling the stroller down the front stairs to run a quick errand. Now, she’s pooped.

3. Unhappy Kids
Kids go through stages, sometimes looking forward to the nanny’s arrival and other times being disappointed that you aren’t the one picking them up from school. But, if your child is regularly unhappy about being with the nanny, it could be a sign that he’s not receiving the most positive or upbeat care.

4. Unreliability
Your nanny starts showing up late, calls in sick more often, forgets to take your child to an appointment or is suddenly inflexible about staying late or working extra hours when you travel. This could indicate a weary nanny.

Tips for Preventing Nanny Burnout

According to Lizzie Lebherz, a former nanny and popular babysitter on UrbanSitter, childcare providers are often natural helpers and givers who enjoy improving the lives of others through whatever they can do to help. “This desire to help often leads to difficulty saying ‘no’ to a parent’s request, because I can clearly see how helpful it would be to them,” she says. “But, over time, it leads to feeling overwhelmed and eventually, totally burn out. “

You can boost your nanny’s job satisfaction and help her avoid burnout by being a top-notch communicator, setting realistic expectations, being mindful of boundaries and going the extra mile to help her create a more balanced life. Here are a few tips for doing just that:

1. Keep communication lines open and well-greased.
In your rush to get to work, it’s easy to run out the door and assume that all is going well with your child’s care unless you hear otherwise. Make an effort to stay connected with your nanny for regular check-ins, and sit down to discuss how the job is going at last twice a year, in order to make any necessary adjustments. “When a parent takes the time to sit down with me regularly and asks how my life is going outside of the job and how balanced I feel, it makes a big, positive difference in how I feel about my job,” says Lebherz. “These sit-downs are a really great time to listen to each other and learn where we can help each other out.”

2. Clearly define and respect the boundaries.
If your nanny feels taken advantage of — being asked to stay late more often than she’d like, for example — resentment will build, which can quickly sour the relationship. Make sure you see eye to eye by clearly defining your expectations, and be upfront and frank about secondary job expectations that could easily make or break the relationship if you aren’t on the same page. For instance, be clear about responsibilities like cooking for the kids, cleaning requirements and any weekly tasks you need her to handle. Also make a point of showing your nanny that you respect her and her authority and insist that your children do the same.

3. Evaluate her workload and when warranted, give her a break!
Have you been gradually adding responsibilities to your nanny’s plate, expecting to her to care for a new baby while keeping up with a growing toddler or expecting her to also chauffeur kids to school and to a growing list of activities? It may be that your childcare needs have evolved and your nanny may no longer be the right fit. But, before you panic and look for a replacement, talk with her about how you can help her evolve with the job and look at ways to cut her a bit of a break. An occasional, paid day off goes a long way in showing your appreciation and providing your nanny with a chance to rest and recharge.

By watching for signs of nanny burnout and following these tips to prevent your nanny from feeling overworked and under appreciated, you can help her feel comfortable and confident in the very important role she plays in your family. If despite your best efforts, either your nanny or you feel that the relationship has reached an end, know when to call it quits. Sometimes, no matter how much you adore your nanny or how much she loves your kids, it’s time to part ways. If that happens you can visit UrbanSitter to review nanny profiles and check reviews to find a match that is just right for your family.

Buzz Aldrin Explains How The U.S. Can Get One Step Closer To Colonizing Mars

Former U.S. astronaut Buzz Aldrin urged members of Congress on Tuesday to establish a human colony on Mars and to “combine the mission” with China.

While testifying before the Senate’s Subcommittee on Space, Science and Competitiveness, Aldrin said “there is no more convincing way to demonstrate American leadership for the remainder of this century than to use 20 July 2019, to commit to and execute a permanent presence on Mars.”

NASA plans to send astronauts to Mars by the 2030s.

Aldrin said, “American leadership is inspiring the world by consistently doing what no other nation is capable of doing. We demonstrated that for a brief time 45 years ago. I do not believe we have done it since.”

“I envision a program of settlement that schedules most of the crews who go to Mars will remain and establish a permanent settlement there,” Aldrin said.

Aldrin also urged lawmakers to work with China’s space station in the near future. The 85-year-old space veteran said, “Do we have a relationship with China? It’s very significant if we’re going to deal with leadership.”

“China needs the things we can build. We need to exert leadership by working with them in the lower orbit. … They got a lot of things to do with the moon, we can help them in their permanence because it helps us with our permanence at Mars,” he said.

Aldrin along with fellow astronaut Neil Armstrong were the first humans to land on the moon on July 20, 1969, during the Apollo 11 mission.

Watch Buzz Aldrin above.

LeBron James Wants College Coaches To Stop Recruiting His 10-Year-Old Son

LeBron James said Tuesday that his 10-year-old son, LeBron James Jr., has already received a number of offers to play college basketball, and he’s not pleased about it.

“Yeah, he’s already got some offers from colleges,” James said, according to Fox Sport Ohio. “It’s pretty crazy. It should be a violation. You shouldn’t be recruiting 10-year-old kids.”

James didn’t name any schools specifically when he said his son had received some offers, but a number of college coaches are already, uh, putting out feelers and making connections with his son, who also goes by Bronny.

Thad Matta, the heach coach of the Ohio State Buckeyes basketball team, for one, said in October — when Bronny was still only 9 years old — that he “will be” on the coach’s radar in the future. (James has a well-established link with the university.)

And, at a minimum, Bronny has already been in Kentucky coach and famed recruiter John Calipari’s office wearing his championship rings:

The NCAA recruiting rules and regulations can prove convoluted and often difficult to completely understand, as evidenced by UConn women’s basketball head coach Geno Auriemma receiving a secondary violation from the NCAA last year for calling Mo’ne Davis during the Little League World Series. The university had given Auriemma permission to do so, thinking it permissible according to NCAA rules.

But it’s likely that Bronny has yet to qualify as a “prospective student-athlete,” a technical NCAA term mostly applied to high school-level athletes that institutes stricter recruiting rules. That’s because Bronny hasn’t even reached middle school yet.

Of course, that hasn’t stopped the rankers from ranking him among the best players of his age group, at least according to WKYC, an NBC affiliate in the Cleveland area.

We couldn’t find a ranking like that ourselves. But as the Washington Post notes, there are a number of websites trying to nationally rank the skills of sixth graders, and Bronny certainly has one of the highest profiles of any basketball player his age. In recent months, multiple highlight videos showcasing his game have received millions of views. One, published on Monday, has already racked up more than 3.8 million:

Regardless, it’s highly likely that James mentioning any “offers” his son has received made the schools offering those offers incredibly, incredibly nervous.

The Hubris of the Islamic Label

Islamists, defined by AP as those who favor, “reordering government and society in accordance with laws prescribed by Islam,” view their interpretation of Islam as Islamic, often to the exclusion of other point of views. In the West, an amalgam of ideologues, from the far-right conservatives to the libertarian atheists, also insist that any and all bad action by Muslims are derived from Islam and thus Islamic. Several years ago, I wrote an article questioning the authenticity of using the label “Islamic” to characterize otherwise secular functions such as politics, art or finance. Labels such as, Islamic Republic, Islamic Finance, or Islamic State, are an exercise in hubris arrogantly suggesting that whatever takes place under such banners is sanctioned by Islam. Islamic Finance, for example, may reflect certain values of Islam, but in practice it often violates the spirit of Islam, if not its letter.

The Arabic for “Islamic” is “Islamiyyah,” a word that is not found in the Quran. When opining on the permissibility or the impermissibility of any action, classical scholars of Islam eschewed using “Islamic” or “un-Islamic” as a label. They often opted for legalistic terms such as “valid”, “accepted”, and “allowable” to determine Islamicity. This legal paradigm allowed for nuances and contextualization. For example, drinking alcohol is impermissible in Islam but if life depended on its consumption then an impermissible action becomes obligatory, as saving life takes precedence. Thus, the binary worldview of “Islamic” versus “un-Islamic,” does not find support in the sacred texts of Islam. Ironically, the proliferation of the label “Islamic” is traceable to the Islamist identity movements, such as the Muslim Brotherhood or Jamaat-e-Islam, which sprang up in the post-colonial Muslim world.

In not labeling ISIS or ISIL as an “Islamic” group, President Obama was refusing to play into the narrative of the extremists, who are desperately trying to cloak their heinous actions with the legitimacy of Islam. To President Obama’s detractors, this was not viewed as either smart or strategic, but rather capitulation. If you cannot label the terrorists properly, how can you defeat them, so they howled? This argument over labels has distracted us from the real debate over ISIS – not what to call it but how to defeat it.

In a controversial article Atlantic’s Graeme Wood asserts that “The reality is that the Islamic State is Islamic. Very Islamic.” In the same article, Wood goes on to state that “nearly all” Muslims reject ISIS. How can something be “Islamic” if “nearly all” Muslims reject it? Wood’s main source to determine the religious authenticity of ISIS is Bernard Haykel, a Princeton scholar of Islam. The fact that Wood did not interview Muslim scholars of Islam to determine the authenticity of the “Islamic” credentials of ISIS, is a major omission. In addition, the only Muslims interviewed by Wood are fringe characters, such as the notorious British extremist Anjem Choudary, who despite claims that he motivated many British youth to join the Syrian war, remains free to give lengthy interviews to British newspapers and casually chat with American journalists in coffee shops. The Muslims interviewed by Wood who purportedly were providing the Islamic rationale behind ISIS, do not command any pulpit or lead any congregation. How can someone with no pulpit and no congregation become representatives of a religious faith practiced by 1.6 billion people?

Haykel notes that ISIS is reviving medieval interpretations of Islam. The fact that ISIS has to rely on anachronistic traditions of Islam certainly places them on the fringe of a modern-day Muslim, a fact that Wood does not adequately weigh when insisting that ISIS is Islamic. Thus ISIS is certainly not universally Islamic although it may rely on using words and images that suggests some tangential connection to Islam. ISIS is as much Islamic as the Lord’s Resistance Army in Uganda is Christian.

Despite glaring weaknesses in his article, Wood perceptively points out important differences between ISIS and its parent al-Qaeda. While al-Qaeda remains focused on hitting distant targets, such as the U.S., ISIS is mostly aiming to teach a lesson to “deviant” Muslims in the region and cleanse the land they control from any un-Islamic influence. In other words, ISIS is more of an existential threat to Muslims and Arabs in the region than they are to Western Europe and America. Moreover, ISIS unlike al-Qaeda espouses a brand of eschatology that favors an apocalyptic end-of-time clash between Islam and non-believers. Understanding this ideological underpinning is crucial, as Wood rightfully asserts. Thus, by avoiding characterizing ISIS as “Islamic,” President Obama is denying terrorists the comfort of thinking that the rest of the civilized world will indulge them in furthering their messianic visions. Any armed conflict with ISIS will have to be evaluated on the basis of security for the homeland and stability for the region, not on any messianic vision.

What ISIS wants is less important. They are a violent group that craves and revels in violence. No surprises. Defeating ISIS will depend more on understanding the factors that gave rise to them and less on how to label them. Without the US invasion of Iraq, there will be no ISIS. Without the disastrous post-war polices of de-Baathification, the Sunni minority would not have felt marginalized and gravitated towards their own Sunni devils (al-Qaeda) shunning the Shia devils, who as part of the government in Iraq, were just as brutal. Thus, the primary factor behind the rise of ISIS is a foreign occupation, a lesson that seems to be lost in the hullabaloo over how to label ISIS.

The second factor favoring the rise of ISIS is the repeated failures in governance. Without the failure of the Assad regime in Syria, there will be no space for ISIS to incubate. Not just Assad, but the dictators that have ruled across Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have by-and-large failed to provide their citizens with good life. The UN Arab Development Report makes it clear that most of the nation-states in the region failed to make a smooth transition towards the new world order, which required both strong national identities and adherence to international charters. The lack of clear national identities is the result of forced repression of “cultural, linguistic and religious heterogeneity” that was a fact of life in the region. Pluralism remains an idea too foreign across much of the MENA region. As successive iterations in socialism, capitalism, democracy, and authoritarianism failed (sometimes due to internal follies and sometimes due to undue interventions by America and its Western allies), a “medieval” and thus out-of-context interpretation of Islam began to gain currency among the dispossessed. Islam is the solution, sounded plausible. Lack of human development (economic, social and political) is the root cause of terrorism, a narrative too often ignored in discussions about terrorism in the name of Islam.

But can Islam itself be absolved? Islam like other ancient faith traditions is replete with multiple and even contradictory interpretations, particularly in the realm of social contracts. Taking stock of Islam’s history of development and progress, one can easily detect interpretations that range from accommodationist (accepting of differences) to separationist (positing Muslim exceptionalism and apartheid). The fact that a small band of thugs and criminals are banding towards a separationist camp, is hardly a revelation. However, the fact that thugs now control vast swaths of land and have the capacity to inflict so much violence cannot be trivialized either. Thus, Muslim scholars, leaders and activist should challenge ISIS on their core ideology and discredit their interpretations as invalid and out-of-context. So far, this has not been done at a sufficiently large scale to make any difference.

The Organization of Islamic Conference, a transnational body made up of 57 Muslim majority countries had instituted an observatory for Islamophobia but none to study and debunk extremism in the name of Islam. Muslim groups in the West routinely publish reports on Islamophobia, which is an important problem to be addressed, but so far have not researched and debunked the twisted ideology that undergirds the deranged violence of those who perpetrate violence in the name of Islam. While ISIS is producing slick magazines and engaging in impressive social media campaigns (one report suggested 45,000 Twitter accounts by ISIS supporters), the Muslim apex bodies either governmental such as the OIC or non-governmental civic advocacy groups such as CAIR in the US or MCB in UK have not developed any comparable campaign to discredit and marginalize the fallacious ideology that ISIS and their ilk propagate. Neither condemnations by Muslim groups nor dropping bombs by Western and Arab governments is sufficient to defeat ISIS. Security operations and statements of condemnations have to go hand in glove with exposing and discrediting the corrosive ideology being propagated by ISIS.

The debate over labels is thus a red-herring. The call for more condemnations by Muslims is often masks ugly stereotyping presuming that Muslims have a monopoly on religious violence. Furthermore, increased militarization as solution is being tone deaf to the lessons from history. The real solution remains the same today as it was after 9/11 – reversing the downward spiral of human development across MENA. President Obama has asked Muslims to do more and certainly more can be done to debunk the ideology of ISIS. But President Obama has fallen short of laying out how he and his Western allies will nudge governments across MENA to speed up reforms that are necessary to give people in the region hope thus giving them less reason to buy into the messianic apocalyptic vision of ISIS.

Jailhouse Interview: Kentucky Teen Accused In Crime Spree Says He Was Engaged To 13-Year-Old (VIDEO)

Teenage sweethearts, dubbed by some as a “modern-day Bonnie and Clyde,” made headlines last month when they allegedly embarked on a two-week interstate crime spree involving stolen vehicles, destroyed property and forged checks. Now in a Grayson County Detention Center in Leitchfield, KY, 18-year-old Dalton Hayes shares why he says he ran away with his 13-year-old girlfriend, how he feels he’s been mischaracterized in the media, and why he says he called his mom crying just two days ago. Watch the video above to hear from Hayes, and see Dr. Phil’s exclusive interview with him on today’s show — check local listings here.

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Senate Democrats Agree To GOP Plan To Fund Homeland Security Department

WASHINGTON — The Senate reached a deal on Wednesday on funding for the Department of Homeland Security, shifting the focus back on the House to prevent the agency from shutting down on Friday.

Senate Democratic leaders announced after a caucus meeting that they had agreed to an offer put forward Tuesday by Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.). Under the arrangement, the Senate will vote to fund DHS without any measures to block President Barack Obama’s 2014 executive actions on immigration, which have stood in the way of getting through funding legislation in past votes.

After the DHS funding issue is resolved, the Senate will vote on a separate bill to block Obama’s executive actions, which would grant temporary deportation relief and work authorization to as many as 5 million undocumented immigrants.

The timing is yet to be determined, but leaders hope to pass the DHS legislation by the end of the day Friday.

This is a breaking story and will be updated.

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