Reflections of an Octogenarian IV: Whatever Happened to the Core in the Core Curriculum? Now You See It, and Now You Don't

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It’s a new day in the world of op-ed, and time for yet another commentary on the role of the humanities; the goals of a university; and the pros and cons of the core curriculum. Hopefully, this one will be different.

Flash back to 1968, a time when American cities and campuses were rife with protest, racial rioting, and civil disorder. Simultaneously, a small group of educators were working to create a living laboratory in the problems and promise of the American democracy.

It was called the Yale Summer High School. Created as part of the War on Poverty with a mandate to address issues of social and economic injustice, the school brought underprivileged kids from across the nation to the Yale campus during the 1960s.

Many of our students were alienated from schooling and academic subject matter. They were adolescents, and their focus was less on abstract subject matter and more about personal identity. Many felt academics and intellectual discussion had little to do with where they were at…and with good reason.

As Kenneth Benne, the educational philosopher, once observed, “A person deeply involved in working on the problems of his identity will hardly be able to focus his energies on acquiring the tools, skills, and disciplines of intelligence which intellectual liberation requires.” The mission we chose was to turn this around.

A number of the faculty had been teaching in the civil rights movement and had been using what are considered the “Great Books.” We thought, “Why not begin there?”

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We believed the classics played an important part in the educational process. The primary reason others did not share our enthusiasm had less to do with the works themselves, but the poor manner in which they were often taught — as interesting relics of sorts, received by students as antiquated pieces of history, divorced from their most basic concerns.

Our job as educators was to make the classics, and the questions they posed, relevant to the times and to the lives of our students. We had faith in our students– many of them from the inner city– to take on such an intellectual challenge. The language in which the classics were written often made them difficult to read, but that being the case, students simply had to be schooled in how to read them — which is why we have teachers.

Creating a relevant curriculum meant developing a coherent framework of study which might aid our students in their struggle for identity. It would have to speak to them and to the times in which we lived, for the alienation of our young simply mirrored the deepening crisis in the country as a whole: the increasing estrangement of its citizenry from each other and from the entity to which they pledged allegiance. It was a crisis not dissimilar to the one facing our nation today.

In 1968, the crisis found expression in the increased tension over race; the continuation of poverty; polarization over the war in Vietnam; the deterioration of our cities; and the widespread use of drugs to “drop out.” Like the young, our nation, as a whole, was wracked in pain and actively striving to forge a new self definition.

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We believed that any “school” worthy of that designation had to address these questions. Few, however, had chosen to do so. We felt it to be our duty. The times and our students demanded nothing less.

We then asked: “What should be at the center of our curriculum– its core?” We decided it would be race.

Race had become an issue of increasing concern to society at large. Both the U.S. Riot Commission and the advocates of Black Power saw the root causes of the major schism in our nation resulting not only from the poverty, social inequality and injustice, but from the racism which informed and created those conditions. Our nation, in short, had simply failed to live up to its professed ideals.

We also knew from our experience as teachers that race was very much on the minds of young people. We realized, however, that it interested them not simply as a theoretical issue of sociology and moral philosophy, nor even as a practical matter relating to poverty. It concerned them most deeply because of what it implied about the possibility and/or the desirability of their using contemporary American ideals as grounds for their own identity.

Because the issues surrounding race posed simultaneously and in an immediately apprehensible way all of the value questions relevant to the problem of identity, it was apparent that it would constitute the ideal focus for a core curriculum and facilitate discussion of the contemporary American crisis in the most concrete terms possible.

It was further our conviction that the humanities, rather than any specialized discipline or collection of disciplines, had a unique contribution to make in the investigation and clarification of this issue.

No course in Black History or abstract exhortations to brotherhood and equality could by itself clarify the complex interplay of ideals and actuality, of individual aspiration and social reality, which characterize the contemporary situation. A close and critical reading of humanistic texts might however, help the student to become aware that there existed a plurality of approaches to human problems and that the dogmatic affirmation of abstractions and ideologies could only distort one’s perceptions of concrete realities.

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And so we read. From Sophocles’ Antigone to Marx’s Communist Manifesto, Faulkner’s Light in August, to Twain’s Huckleberry Finn, and several stops betwixt and between, searching together for that which eluded the nation–a working definition of “community”–the shared values that ground people and bind them together.

Through the classes and the daily interactions of one with another, the program generated an authentic conversation on race, as students of different backgrounds came to respect and learn from one another.

I don’t know of any other occasion where something as conservative as the “Great Books” approach to education was so effectively applied to something as radical as the Civil Rights movement, the Anti-war movement, and to the personal lives of students.

End of story.

The program was discontinued by Yale, our host university. The University further refused to provide the necessary support for submission of a proposed grant to the National Council on the Humanities to develop a national core curriculum based on our work.

All that visibly remains of the program is a film made 40 + years later, called “Walk Right In” (www.walkrightinthemovie.com) which catalogued that summer’s events, followed the students to where they are today, captured their memories of that summer, and recorded its continuing impact on their lives. It has never been screened at Yale, and the work from that summer, for the most part, remains unknown.

So here we are– almost five decades later. Educators are still talking about a core curriculum, but nothing about its core. A few isolated voices call out for a “national conversation about race,” but, for the most part, it goes unheeded. “The true purpose of the University?” has never become a legitimate subject of study in our schools of higher learning. These were all powerful queries when posed in 1968. They remain so today.

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A reminder in the words of some of our students in 1968:

To really feel like you’re educated you have to have exposure to the humanities. They allow you to actualize yourself as a person.

—- Sam Sutton

Yale taught us that education indeed could be a subversive force. It could be a force of transformation. It could be power. It could open new vistas.

—- Irma McClaurin

Call it brainwashing; call it what you will, I’ll call it rewarding and one of the most important experiences in my life. I guess one of the most, or the most significant aspect of the summer was the core course. I really grooved on Hegel, Marx, Plato, and all those other eggheads. No, I really learned an awful lot more from that course, most important of all it made me think, which for me comes next to breathing in importance…

—–Floyd Ballesteros

The YSHS took academic subjects such as literature – it took critical thinking – it took analysis – it took logic – it took philosophy – it took history – and made it relevant to me and to the other kids that were there. I think that’s what academics should be.

—– Algeo Casul

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Larry Paros is a former high-school math and social-studies teacher. He was at the forefront of educational reform in the 1960s and ’70s, during which time he directed a unique project for talented underprivileged students at Yale and created and directed two urban experimental schools, cited by the U.S. Office of Education as “exemplary” and later replicated at more than 125 sites nationwide.

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Pediatricians Encourage Whole Diet Approach To Child Nutrition

By: Cari Nierenberg, Contributing writer
Published: 02/23/2015 03:09 AM EST on LiveScience

New guidelines released today by a leading U.S. pediatricians group urge a more practical, commonsense approach toward nutrition to help improve children’s diets and health, both in school and at home.

The guidelines come in a policy statement from the American Academy of Pediatrics, offering the organization’s latest thinking on foods and nutrition. The statement encourages a broader dietary pattern that is focused more on what children — and adults, too — should eat, rather than what they shouldn’t.

In the paper, the doctors focus on promoting a healthy overall diet, and using only a little bit of sugar, fat and salt to make healthy foods more appealing to kids. It was published online today (Feb. 23) in the journal Pediatrics.

“Parents should look for every opportunity to make small, simple improvements in the nutritional value of the foods and drinks they provide children, in school and out,” said Dr. Robert Murray, one of the statement’s lead authors and a professor of nutrition at The Ohio State University.

To guide parents as well as the pediatricians who counsel parents about a healthy diet, the paper spells out a five-step approach to eating. According to Murray, these recommendations are:

1.Choose a mix of foods from the five food groups: fruits, vegetables, whole grains, lower-fat dairy products and quality proteins, such as lean meats, fish, eggs, beans, nuts and seeds.

2.Provide a wide variety of different foods from each food group throughout the week.

3.Offer foods in their most-natural, least-processed state as the family budget will allow.

4.Use small amounts of sugar, fat and salt to increase the amount of healthy nutrient-rich foods and drinks that kids will eat. Good examples include flavored milks or sweetened whole-grain breakfast cereals.

5.Serve appropriate-sized portions for a child’s age.

Improving nutrition

The pediatric organization last issued a school nutrition policy paper in 2004, when it took a stance on exclusive contracts between soft drink suppliers and schools. [10 Ways to Promote Kids’ Healthy Eating Habits]

The 2015 statement highlights the improvements made in the decade since then, which have led to changes in the types of drinks sold in schools and to additional limits on students’ access to sugary drinks.

Progress has also been made in improving the meals served in schools, as well as in the nutritional value of products sold in vending machines, Murray told Live Science. But the food that students bring to school is still an issue. For example, students may bring candy or desserts to school in their lunches, or for bake sales or class parties.

“In nearly all American schools, there remains ready access to high-calorie, low-nutrient foods and beverages from products brought into school by students, parents and staff,” Murray said.

This problem calls for better education of parents and staff, and greater involvement of pediatricians in schools, acting directly as child nutrition advocates, the paper recommended.

Keith Ayoob, a registered dietitian and pediatric nutritionist at Albert Einstein College of Medicine in New York, applauded the policy statement for not banning any foods. He said it gives people the information they need to make better choices.

A total-diet approach is better than calling out certain foods, such as sugar, or suggesting that people eat less of certain nutrients, Ayoob said.

When counseling parents about child nutrition, Ayoob said he offers them similar advice about focusing on giving kids the five food groups. If kids get their fill of healthy food, then they will naturally get the nutrients they need, he said.

Ayoob also said he liked that the paper implied schools can’t improve nutrition on their own, and that parents need to become more mindful of health when packing lunches, planning food celebrations at school and serving family meals at home.

“Improving child nutrition has to be a community project, and parents are part of this community,” Ayoob said.

Follow Live Science @livescience, Facebook & Google+. Originally published on Live Science.

Copyright 2015 LiveScience, a Purch company. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

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Is Deflation a Worry?

Americans have grown up with fears of inflation — commonly defined as rising prices. But despite the Federal Reserve’s oft-stated concern with inflation, we haven’t seen much of it in recent years. In fact, the current concern is quite the opposite: deflation.

What is deflation, how does it affect each of us, and what should you — and the government — be doing in case it becomes a reality? Here are five things to know about deflation:

1. Deflation is most often identified as falling prices. Deflation is not the same as falling inflation; instead it is an outright price decline as measured by the Consumer Price Index, or the Producer Price Index of industrial products.

U.S. consumer prices took their biggest drop in nearly a decade in December, falling 0.4 percent. For the 2014 year, the CPI was up 0.8 percent. Similarly, producer prices have fallen in four of the past five months, with a steep 0.3 percent decline in December. But for the past 12 months, the PPI is still up 1.2 percent. In the Eurozone, consumer prices are already in negative territory, reflecting deflation.

2. Deflation is typically accompanied by slowing economic growth. If people and businesses start anticipating future lower prices, then they hold off on buying things or spending to expand their businesses.

3. Deflation is self-reinforcing. As prices come down and the economy slows, business becomes less profitable — often laying off workers. Those unemployed workers don’t have a choice. They have little money to spend, so the economy slows even further.

4. Simply “printing” money is not an automatic cure for deflation. Japan has been trying to cure its deflationary economy for more than a decade, most recently by aggressively having its central bank buy Japanese government bonds with newly created money. But once the deflation mentality sets in, it is hard to overcome.

5. The two worst things that could happen in a deflationary economy are tax increases and/or interest rate increases, each of which acts to slow the economy further. Yet suddenly we are hearing talk of both — a tax increase proposal from the president, and plans for interest rate increases from the Fed. Japan learned that lesson the hard way.

For consumers, a deflationary economy means hard times for many. Deflation makes debts harder to repay, slows job creation and wage increases, and generally lowers our standard of living. Yes, those with cash can buy bargains, including cheaper gasoline. But in the longer run, that will be small comfort for most consumers if deflation takes hold. And that’s The Savage Truth.

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How Austerity Disproportionately Harms Women

Polls consistently suggest that the No. 1 women’s issue is the economy.

Female voters are split, particularly by marriage between the Democrats and Republicans. Married women slightly prefer Republicans, while single women overwhelmingly prefer Democrats. The reason is simple: In an economic system that overwhelmingly favors the married, single women tend to live more precariously and rely on programs that Republicans want to eviscerate. And there’s another factor that will only increase such discrepancies: Conservatives are increasingly pushing to cut programs for seniors. In our economy, where care-taking responsibilities fall overwhelmingly to women, this will mean more women will have to shoulder the burden of healthcare. Austerity will burden women, particularly women of color.

The politics of austerity

Even though the deficit has declined dramatically, and there is very little evidence for a long-term budget crisis, Republicans are still hellbent on shredding the social safety net. As Dylan Scott reports for Talking Points Memo, “Republicans are seizing a once-every-20-years opportunity to force a crisis in the Social Security disability program and use it as leverage to push through reforms, a long game that they have been quietly laying groundwork for since taking control of the House in 2010.” This even though the crisis they worry about is actually entirely mythical. But America is on the road toward a retirement crisis, as a squeezed private pension system and a squeezed public pension system collide.

Long story short: Millions of American are going to retire without adequate savings to survive. This will mean an increasingly despairing elderly population, but another important impact could be a large step back for women in the workplace. This crisis doesn’t show any signs of abating — young people are pushing off saving because they are racked with student debt. A Demos report finds that a student who graduates with $53,000 in debt will expect to have a lifetime wealth loss from that debt of $208,000. These debt burdens primarily affect low-income students and students of color.

The retirement crisis is not inevitable and nor is it the fault of workers. As Dean Baker has noted, most of the gap in public pensions was the result of the financial crisis of 2007-2008. Matt Taibbi points out in Rhode Island, the state government is paying $2.1 billion in fees over 20 to hedge funds, while freezing cost of living adjustments for workers at a cost of $2.3 billion over the same period. Yet hedge funds are a hugely overrated asset class, and the state government would be better off just investing in an index fund (one reason CALPERS recently divested). If retirement security is seen as a three-legged stool of Social Security, employer pensions and private savings, we can see that all the legs are being undermined. Pensions are more and more likely to be defined contribution instead of defined benefit – if workers have them at all. 401k plans extract hundreds of thousands from workers in fees. Private savings are plummeting  as incomes are squeezed. At the same time, Social Security is under assault from increasingly radical conservatives.

The Impact

The decimation of the housing sector and the war on pensions means one thing: a looming retirement crisis. Generations of elderly people will find themselves without private savings and find Social Security and Medicare have been hacked apart by Republicans, bowing to the demands of rich donors (see chart).

This will mean once again elderly poverty will be a pressing concern, even though we have spent decades making progress toward eliminating it. But much this burden will inevitably fall on the children of retirees: mainly women. Last year, the New York Timesreported on a disturbing trend: After decades of increasing, female labor force participation is plummeting (see chart).

Most disturbingly, many of these women were dropping out during prime earning years. One significant reason is to take care of elderly parents. Research by Pew shows that women are far more likely to take a large reduction in hours, take off time, quit a job or turn down a promotion to care for a child or family member (see chart).

large academic literature suggests that women will bear the brunt of the caregiving activities for elderly retirees. Research suggests that, “Daughters are twice as likely as sons to become the primary caregiver.” Richard Johnson and Anthony Lo Sasso find, “time to help parents strongly reduces female labor supply at midlife.” Research alsoconfirms that women do not care for elderly parents because they are already unemployed, but rather, “Thus, the causal relationship between employment and caregiving in late midlife is largely unidirectional, with women reducing hours to meet caregiving demands.” In a recent study Yeonjung Lee and Genan Tang find, “Results show that women caregivers for parents and/or grandchildren were less likely to be in the labor force than non-caregivers and that caregiving responsibility was not related to labor force participation for the sample of men.” AARP estimates that a caregiver over 50 will lose $283,716 in wages and benefits for men and $324,044 for women. There are costs for businesses too, an estimated annual loss of $33.6 billion in lost productivity. But the brunt of the burden is borne by the poor, women and people of color. The impact of the retirement crisis could set back the progress of women in the labor force by decades.

The Solution

One solution to the retirement crisis is the financial sector, which benefits the rich while undermining the wealth of the poor. Rep. Chris Van Hollen has laid out the best way to do that; his recent proposal is centered around a financial transaction tax projected to raise $1.2 trillion in revenues. The tax wouldn’t just raise revenues; there is strong evidence it could reduce market volatility and rent-seeking (rampant on Wall Street). The money raised from the tax should be used to bolster the social safety net slowly being shredded by the right. It should also be used for public investment in infrastructure.

A more structural issue is the nature of uncompensated work in a capitalistic society. While it is unlikely that we can decimate patriarchy in the near future, one solution could be socialize it. By turning over caregiving, early childhood education and other labor that is currently performed by women (without pay) to the public sector, women will be free to pursue their own interests. Labor that was once uncompensated will now be performed for decent wages creating millions of public sector jobs (massive cuts to public sector jobs have also taken a toll on female employment). Further, we should ensure that both women and men have access to parental leave, sick leave and an adequate pension. These reforms will be costly, but the $1.2 trillion that a financial transaction tax would raise could easily cover these costs. Our tepid commitment to gender equity will be rendered useless if continued austerity falls entirely on the shoulders of working women.

This piece originally appeared on Salon.

Calling ISIS Un-Islamic is A Fact, Not an Excuse

Anti-Islam personalities can demonstrate glaring hypocrisy. On one hand they scream “where are the moderate Muslims and why aren’t they condemning ISIS terrorism?”

When Muslims the world over condemn ISIS in word and deed, the first ones to object are ironically anti-Islam personalities. “ISIS is just as legitimate as anyone,” they’ll shout, “how dare you condemn their acts as un-Islamic or antithetical to Islam!”

If I didn’t know any better I’d diagnose it as amnesia. It’s not amnesia, but a willful anti-Islam agenda peddled to continue the rising antagonism against Islam and Muslims.

In an interview some months back, I was asked directly:

One criticism I have with your position is your claim that so many Muslim extremists aren’t interpreting Islam correctly. Why is this not a case of the “No True Scotsman Fallacy?”

My answer below is the answer I gave in the interview, as this is the crux of the matter. You see, declaring ISIS and their acts as un-Islamic is not an excuse by any stretch of the imagination–it is an observable fact.

First, just in case you’re not familiar with the No True Scotsman Fallacy, this is what it states.

Person A: “No Scotsman puts sugar on his porridge.”
Person B: “I am Scottish, and I put sugar on my porridge.”
Person A: “Well, no true Scotsman puts sugar on his porridge.”

Replacing this with Muslim it might look like this:

Person A: “No Muslim practices honor killing.”
Person B: “I am Muslim, and I practice honor killing.”
Person A: “Well, no true Muslim practices honor killing.”

There are two significant reasons why calling ISIS un-Islamic is not a case of the No True Scotsman Fallacy.

The first reason is because the fallacy discusses a person’s acts, not an ideology’s teaching. Islam is a religion, Muslims are people–we cannot conflate the two.

The question is not, therefore, what a true or untrue Muslim would do. The question is do the Qur’an, Sunnah, and Hadith–in that order–substantiate such acts? In other words, can Islamic teachings substantiate such acts? If so, then surely Islam is not the peaceful faith I profess it is. If not, then the acts of such Muslims can be dismissed as their delusional acts–not Islam’s teaching. If an act is not something taught or approved by Islam, but rather condemned by Islam, then it is perfectly factual and accurate to call that act un-Islamic.

But there’s also a second reason why calling ISIS un-Islamic is not an excuse, but a fact. This second reason stems from an obvious admission–yes, some Muslims engage in terrorism, or horrific things like ‘honor killing,’ and death for blasphemy or apostasy.

But inherent in my admission above is why the No True Scotsman Fallacy doesn’t apply here–I’m not denying that the people committing those horrible acts are Muslim. A person’s faith is between them and God. If ISIS claims they are Muslim, I’m not here to call them non-Muslim. But whether they are Muslim or not is irrelevant to whether their acts are Islamic or not. This is the fundamental issue anti-Islam critics pretend to ignore.

This is where intellectual dialogue and discourse comes in to play. Islamic teaching specifically forbids honor killing, forbids any worldly punishment for apostasy or blasphemy, and forbids terrorism. Therefore, should a Muslim engage in those acts and claim to follow Islam–shouldn’t the logical question be to see if the Muslim committing those acts can back it up with Islamic teaching?

If he can, let him try. If he cannot, and indeed such extremists cannot, then why give that Muslim any credence in his representation of Islam? How can Islam suddenly be called violent–despite specifically condemning those violent acts–if some violent imbecile disregards clear Islamic injunction and commits those violent acts? Meanwhile, the same anti-Islam critics pretend to ignore 1000+ Muslims who protect a synagogue from attack in exact accordance to the Qur’an’s specific command to protect synagogues from attack.

At this junction anti-Islam critics again leap to the defense of ISIS and claim ISIS has scholars that dig in to the fundamental core of Islamic jurisprudence and history. Ironically, the anti-Islam critics who defend ISIS as scholarly themselves have little to no training on Islamic scholarship, so how they’re able to recognize whether ISIS is consulting authentic Islamic sources is incredulous.

More significantly, however, we know that ISIS gains the bulk of their ideology not from the Qur’an or Sunnah, but from ignorant terrorist organizations like Jamaat-e-Islaami–founded by Mullah Abul a’la Maududi, the father of modern terrorism. Maududi likewise had zero training on Islam or Islamic jurisprudence, no post high school education, and no education on Islamic history and Arabic, yet his work dominates ISIS ideology. ISIS is literally the blind leading the blind, and blinded by their own egos, anti-Islam critics refuse to see these facts.

This is one of the difficulties I have with critics of Islam. When a terrorist commits an act of terror, virtually zero academic research or insight goes into how such a terrorist justified his claim from Islamic jurisprudence. A random verse excerpt is cited and suddenly every critic is a scholar.

Meanwhile, when a Muslim claims that Islam teaches, for example, universal freedom of conscience, until and unless he can substantiate that claim with extensive argumentation and factual support, critics refuse to believe him. But for the record, it isn’t this critique I have a problem with. Yes, by all means hold Muslims accountable to explaining their beliefs and Islam’s teachings. I wouldn’t have it any other way. My only request–and it is a fair one–is to apply the same in depth scrutiny to extremists claiming Islam teaches violence. That is called objectivity and fairness, concepts currently lost on anti-Islam critics.

Let us have a free exchange of ideas and let the best idea win. I’m reminded of a quote by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, the Messiah and founder of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community. Messiah Ahmad discussed the violent acts of extremists and rebuked them, declaring way back in 1902:

There is a lesson in this story for the pro-Jihad Mullahs. The growth of such horrible doctrines among the Muslims, has done lasting injury to the cause of Islam and created an abhorrence for it in the hearts of other nations. They have no confidence in their sympathy so long as the dangerous doctrine of Jihad finds favor with them. … The true religion is that which on account of its inherent property and power and its convincing arguments is more powerful than the keenest sword, not that which depends upon steel for its existence.

So in short, the No True Scotsman Fallacy doesn’t apply when condemning ISIS, first because we are discussing what Islam teaches, not what Muslims do or believe. Second, it does not apply because I am not denying that some Muslims commit acts of violence. This is not a question of faith, it is a question of fact.

My proposition is fair. Instead of relying on such violent criminals, let us employ intellectual dialogue and debate to determine what Islam–or any ideology–teaches. And let us hold terrorists to the same intellectual standard to which we hold the vast majority of the Muslim world who are not terrorists. Otherwise it is a double standard unbefitting of a fair and objective discussion.

In the meantime, anti-Islam critics should either stop asking Muslims to condemn terrorism only to condemn those Muslims for condemning terrorism, or learn Islam from actual scholarship.

The current hypocritical and selective listening strategy that anti-Islam critics all too often use empowers ignorance and terrorism, not education and pluralism. You can bet no true intellectual engages in such hypocrisy.

And that’s a fact.