You Have To Close Your Eyes To See The Military's Powerful New Weapon

On a March evening in 2002, the USS Oscar Austin began a nighttime transit through the Skagerrak, a busy shipping lane connecting Norway, Denmark and Sweden, when disaster nearly struck. 

Retired U.S. Navy Capt. John Cordle was on the bridge navigating the ship. “It was a very narrow, confusing transit at night,” Cordle told The Huffington Post. Three Navy ships were following. 

It had been a long day. Cordle had pulled an all-nighter, working various shifts. That’s when he nearly caused a drowsy driving catastrophe that could have caused several naval vessels to collide. 

“I just sort of fell asleep standing up,” he admitted. 

Retired Adm. James G. Stavridis says these situations are unacceptable ― and all too common. 

“Sleep is a key part of the requirements for resilience and good decision-making,” Stavridis said in an interview.

“As people become more and more exhausted from a lack of sleep, they are prone to making the most costly mistakes imaginable,” he wrote in a Huffington Post blog post. “When a military officer makes a bad decision in combat, terrible consequences often unfold. People die, and they are often innocent civilians who die as a result of collateral damage from an attack of some kind, or they are the men and women working for the exhausted military officer whose judgment is impaired.”

Stavridis served four years as a NATO commander and was a top adviser to the Secretary of the Navy and the Secretary of Defense. He led Deep Blue, the strategic and tactical think tank the Navy created after Sept. 11. He has won dozens of military medals and awards, and even had one named after him.  

His reputation extends far beyond the military. He’s been cited as an innovator in evolving the military and an advocate for “soft power” approaches to foreign policy. Hillary Clinton even vetted the admiral as a possible running mate, The New York Times reported. 

In a 2012 TED Talk on global security, Stavridis called for “open-source security” and said it was more important to build bridges than walls. He even once advocated for creating a new branch of the military, the U.S. Cyber Force.

Suffice it to say, Stavridis is not afraid of questioning military status quo ― especially when it’s not working. And when it comes to sleep, he fears the worst.

Sleep As A ‘Weapon’

Cordle’s brush with disaster was a wake-up call. He opened his eyes as the panicked crew scrambled to figure out what was going on. 

“For a moment there everybody lost track of where we were,” Cordle said.

One of your natural reactions is to take charge when things aren’t going so well, he explained. He gave the order to stop the ship. 

“And then I realized that I had no idea what was going on. I was so tired that I didn’t think it through,” he said. 

“I could have driven us into shallow water,” he explained. “I forgot there were ships following me that could have run into me.”

Everything turned out OK. “But in retrospect,” he said, “I let myself get so tired that I basically had a near miss.”

Waking up to the dangers of sleep deprivation for the military is a big part of the reason Stavridis said he’s been speaking up about the issue.

“For young officers facing the challenges of watchstanding or flying or combat maneuvers, it is imperative that their superiors ensure real balance in the sleep-waking cycle,” he said.

The conclusion he’s come to about sleep: “Military commanders must think of sleep as a weapon that they can deploy.”

Hitting Rock Bottom

Sleep played a role in the USS Port Royal becoming grounded in 14-to-22 feet of water off the coast of Oahu, Hawaii, in February 2009. The Navy estimated damage to the 567-foot cruiser cost around $25 million to $40 million.

Capt. John Carroll, who was in charge of the ship at the time of the grounding, was relieved of his command and reassigned after the incident. The Navy gave him nonjudicial punishment for dereliction of duty and improper hazarding of a vessel, The Honolulu Advertiser reported.

A report from the Navy Safety Investigation Board cited the misinterpretation of a navigation system, faulty equipment, an inexperienced crew and a sleep-deprived Carroll as causes that contributed to the incident.

Carroll had had just four and a half hours of sleep in the 24 hours before the ship grounded ― and just 15 hours of sleep in the three days leading up to the incident. Carroll admitted he was tired and fatigued at the time, according to the Navy report. 

A Navy officer’s schedule is inherently high-tempo and always-changing, making good, consistent sleep difficult. “By nature we have to be able to do everything 24/7,” Cordle said. “When a ship is at sea, somebody has to be up running the engines and driving the ship around the clock.”

Everyone on board a Navy vessel works on rotational shift and rest patterns ― but it’s up to the ship’s officers to figure out that schedule. It’s typical for those shifts to rotate every day.

“You never worked at the same time and you never slept at the same time,” Cordle said.

There’s a culture of toughness on a ship and not admitting when you’re tired, according to Cordle.

Staying awake for a long time is “almost a badge of honor sometimes,” Cordle added. “There’s the expectation to get the job done.”

A Cultural Problem With Sleep

Each branch of the military has its own policies around rest, but the “sleep comes later” attitude is evident on land, air and sea.

Jordan Thornburg, a physician’s assistant at Fort Riley, told HuffPost in April that 27-hour shifts were the norm when he served as an engineer officer in both Iraq and Kuwait. Lt. Col. Ingrid Lim, the lead sleep expert at the office of the Army Surgeon General said in the same article that sleep can be problematic for soldiers. “Whenever fighting happens, sleep is the first thing to go,” he said.

A 2015 Army report found that 10 percent of active duty Army soldiers have a diagnosed sleep disorder ― and almost half have a “clinically significant sleep problem.” Fatigue contributed to 628 Army accidents and 32 soldier deaths between 2011 and 2014, according to the study.

A 2006 report cited “acute and cumulative fatigue, circadian disruptions and sleep inertia” all as factors that contributed to the near crash of a 247-foot U.S. Air Force C-5 Galaxy cargo aircraft as it attempted a remote island landing. 

“Analysis of the crew work/rest cycles and transmeridian travel confirmed that fatigue was one of the more significant human performance factors in this mishap,” according to the Aviation, Space, and Environmental Medicine journal article.

General guidelines in Air Force medical policies suggest air personnel get seven to eight hours of sleep every 24 hours. The Air Force also requires a 12-hour off-duty shift before an airman goes on duty. 

But Stavridis said there is still a culture that allows these standards to be pushed aside when needed and overridden in combat operations, and they’re not always as rigorously enforced as they should be.

“Too often, commanders want to show their subordinates that they are somehow super-human,” he wrote. “The leaders feel that saying they will lay down for an hour nap, or need six hours of sleep will undermine the confidence of their subordinates.”

We would never allow an intoxicated soldier in our formations. … Why would we let a soldier in our formations with sleep deprivation?

For Cordle, his own near miss drove him to find ways to avoid putting himself and his crews in those situations again.

“When you’re the guy in charge, if you’re tired, a lot of times there’s nobody else to tell you what to do,” he said. “You have to have your wits about you.”

He’s worked with a team of sleep researchers and naval operations experts to help create navy watch schedules that align sailors’ natural circadian rhythms ― rather than schedules than those that go against our natural sleep-wake schedules. The team is working with the Naval Postgraduate School to help distribute more information about the sleep-optimized schedules for other Navy officers to use. 

“Everything takes time, but I see the conversations happening,” he said. “And having folks like Adm. Stavridis talk about it is very encouraging. I think a lot of the senior leaders are talking about it.”

The Army began rolling out a new force-wide wellness campaign in 2013 called the Performance Triad. The science-based program provides soldiers and their families resources to optimize three pillars of good health: nutrition, exercise and sleep.

Lt. Gen. Patricia Horoho, the Army’s surgeon general, said sleep patterns may be the most challenging behavior to change, but she’s committed to it.

“This is a culture change that we need to make,” she told Federal News Radio. “It’s going to take a while to get away from the idea that sleep is something we can give up, and start critically asking ourselves whether it’s worth the health consequences.”

“We would never allow an intoxicated soldier in our formations,” she added. “Why would we let a soldier in our formations with sleep deprivation?”

Sarah DiGiulio is The Huffington Post’s sleep reporter. You can contact her at sarah.digiulio@huffingtonpost.com.  

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This Lawsuit Has Put Big Ag On The Defensive In A Major Way

Earlier this month, the Iowa Soybean Association had a big announcement to make.

The group, which represents some 11,000 growers of the state’s second-most-lucrative crop, pledged $150,000 in support for three highly agricultural counties — Buena Vista, Calhoun and Sac — named in a controversial lawsuit brought by the Des Moines Water Works.  

The lawsuit, which was filed in 2015, claims that nitrogen-rich water flowing off the area’s farms pollutes the Raccoon River, which, along with the Des Moines River, provides drinking water for half a million people. The water authority wants the counties to pick up the dramatically higher treatment costs for the water. The counties, who want the case dismissed, counter that there’s no proof that agriculture is directly responsible for the nitrates.

The case has thus far been upheld, though it won’t be brought to trial until next June. Meanwhile, both sides are digging in for a pivotal Iowa Supreme Court hearing on the matter set for September. 

If the water utility wins the suit, it would mark the first time in the U.S. that agribusiness is forced to pay for water pollution, potentially setting a precedent with nationwide ramifications.

The ISA, which previously contributed $65,000 for the counties’ legal expenses, considers the case a “must win.” Meanwhile, it says, the lawsuit is an “unfortunate distraction” from the voluntary approaches to solving the state’s nutrient runoff issues that it has been touting. 

ISA CEO Kirk Leeds said the suit is affecting the progress the state has made over the past 15 years in encouraging farmers to implement practices to mitigate runoff, like putting cover crops and conservation tillage in their fields.

“The lawsuit does not identify one tangible tactic or strategy that would actually improve water quality,” Leeds told The Huffington Post in a statement. “Without the lawsuit, labor and financial resources could be focused on deploying more practices across the state to improve soil and water resources.”

The ISA pointed to the over 970,000 acres Iowa farmers have enrolled in the federal conservation reserve program — more than any other state — as further signs the state’s industry is on the right track toward addressing the problem. (The program removes environmentally sensitive lands from agricultural production, which helps improve water quality and wildlife habitat.)

But the ISA’s efforts are “nothing more than greenwash” to Des Moines Water Works CEO Bill Stowe. 

“They’re sprinkling money and acting like they have some kind of environmental awareness when, in fact, they’re undermining public health and environmental protections,” Stowe told HuffPost. 

The ISA isn’t the only group supporting the defending counties in the lawsuit, but it’s hard to know who’s been paying the rest of the bill. As the Des Moines Register has reported, the donors picking up 90 percent of the counties’ $1.1 million legal tab are anonymous and likely to remain that way, thanks to a state law regulating private foundation contributions to government groups.

Stowe’s utility has been spending a lot of money, too — seven figures’ worth of extra treatment costs to ensure the drinking water he delivers to their customers is safe, he said.

The DMWW is home to what he calls the “world’s largest” nitrate removal facility. The plant is in need of repairs and expansion, he said, thanks to the historically high amount of nitrates they’ve had to remove from the drinking water they provide to their customers.

Excessive nitrate exposure is most dangerous for infants and pregnant women, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Infants who are exposed can develop what’s called blue baby syndrome, which can be fatal if left untreated. For these reasons, the EPA sets a maximum contaminant level for nitrates of 10 milligrams per liter. Anything higher needs to be removed by water providers. 

In 2013, when nitrate levels in the source water reached a record high, the utility’s tab for additional treatment costs and lost revenue totaled $900,000, DMWW said. Last year, it spent $1.5 million on denitrification efforts.

Stowe argues that tile drainage systems used by the upstream farms to reduce crop flooding should be identified as “point sources” of pollution under the federal Clean Water Act, from which they traditionally have been exempt.

The Iowa lawsuit could drastically change how the Clean Water Act can be used to remedy nutrient pollution, which is having a severe impact on communities throughout the U.S. 

For this reason, the suit carries national significance. John Rumpler, senior attorney at Environment America, a Boston-based nonprofit, called it a “huge, precedent-setting” matter.

Rumpler authored a report last month linking nutrient runoff from agribusiness to the growth of algal blooms and dead zones that have devastated ecosystems and damaged local economies in places like Lake Erie, the Chesapeake Bay and the Gulf of Mexico. The EPA has also linked nutrient runoff to acid rain and air pollution.

He sees what is happening in Iowa as one example of runoff issues bubbling up nationwide, like South Florida’s “guacamole-thick” algal blooms that prompted Gov. Rick Scott (R) to declare a state of emergency earlier this summer. Environmentalists have largely blamed agriculture, and particularly the powerful sugar industry, for the pollution.

“The overriding story here is that the corporations that are producing our food in an industrializing fashion are now threatening our water,” Rumpler said. “America should not have to choose between healthy food and safe water.”

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Some Iowa farmers have already changed their ways ― before the lawsuit was even filed.

One of them is 62-year-old Tim Smith. Smith has been farming his whole life and currently grows 800 acres of corn and soybeans in Eagle Grove, Iowa, not far from the three counties named in the suit. 

Five years ago, Smith signed up through a USDA program to start planting cover crops on some of his fields, as well as installing a woodchip bioreactor with the aim of reducing the nitrogen runoff from his farm.

It wasn’t long before he observed, through sampling, that the amount of nitrates flowing off his farm had been cut in half. Seeing the results made him acknowledge he’d had a runoff problem we wasn’t aware of.

I thought I was doing everything right on my farm prior to this,” Smith told HuffPost.

Still, Iowa’s estimated 470,000 acres of cover crops planted as of 2015 pale in comparison to the 26 million acres of statewide cropland. Though the Iowa Farm Bureau notes, accurately, that this is a 35 percent increase over the previous year, that number still represents less than 2 percent of the state’s overall cropland. 

This is evidence, Smith believes, that many farmers in the state don’t realize they are contributing to the problem. He anticipates that, with time, more of his colleagues will come around to the idea of conservation and see that the practices accomplish what they are designed to do.

But the lawsuit, he says, could hinder that progress.

“It’s kind of a slap in the face to agriculture. It does throw a little insult,” Smith said. “If they lose or the case is thrown out, farmers are going to say, well, you’ve already sued me, so what’s the big deal? I’m going to keep doing things the way I used to do them. There’s a danger in that.”

For his part, Stowe is confident the utility will win, but he’s not limiting that to mean a win in the courtroom. He believes the suit, regardless of its outcome, challenges the state’s political status quo, which he says has favored agricultural interests for too long.

“If we were to lose and continue to pass on this cost to our consumers, there will be a political impact,” Stowe said. “Our customer base will more clearly understand why they are paying more, so we think we win anyway. We will be the long-term winners no matter what happens in our legal case.”

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In Florida Zika Probe, Federal Scientists Kept At Arm's Length

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CHICAGO, July 29 (Reuters) – The state of Florida, the first to report the arrival of Zika in the continental United States, has yet to invite a dedicated team of the federal government’s disease hunters to assist with the investigation on the ground, health officials told Reuters.

Coordination with the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention since the state reported possible local Zika transmission on July 19 has been conducted largely at a distance, they said. That is surprising to some infectious disease experts, who say a less robust response could lead to a higher number of infections.

While Florida has a strong record of battling limited outbreaks of similar mosquito-borne viruses, including dengue and chikungunya, the risk of birth defects caused by Zika adds greater urgency to containing its spread with every available means, they say. Other states have quickly called in CDC teams to help track high-profile diseases.

“You only have a small window. This is the window” to prevent a small-scale outbreak from spreading, said Dr. Peter Hotez, dean of the National School of Tropical Medicine at Baylor College of Medicine in Houston, who expressed impatience with the pace of the Florida investigation.

Florida on Friday said that four cases of Zika in the state were likely caused by mosquito, the first sign that the virus is circulating locally, though it has yet to identify mosquitoes carrying the disease.

The current Zika outbreak was first detected last year in Brazil, where it has been linked to more than 1,700 cases of the birth defect microcephaly, and has since spread rapidly through the Americas.

Florida Governor Rick Scott said the state health department was working with the CDC as it continues its Zika investigation. CDC said it is closely coordinating with Florida officials who are leading the effort. Dr Marc Fischer, a CDC epidemiologist, has gone to Florida at the state’s request.

But the state has not invited in the CDC’s wider emergency response team of experts in epidemiology, risk communication, vector control and logistics, according to Florida health department spokeswoman Mara Gambineri.

In its plans to fight Zika nationwide, CDC stressed that such teams would help local officials track and contain the virus. Similar teams were sent to Utah earlier this month to solve how a person may have become infected while caring for a Zika-infected patient, before local officials went public with the case, and quickly joined an effort to contain an Ebola case in Dallas in 2014.

“Should we need additional assistance, we will reach out,” Gambineri said in an email. She did not reply to questions about why the state decided not to bring in a CDC team.

CDC spokesman Tom Skinner said the agency has several teams ready for when states request help with Zika, including Florida.

“If invited, we’ve got a team ready to go,” he said. 

FUNDING BLAME GAME

Florida health officials publicly disclosed the first case of suspected local transmission on July 19.

They have since been testing hundreds of area residents to identify other possible infections, in some cases knocking on doors asking people to provide urine samples, and studying local mosquito populations to see if they are carrying the virus.

The state has warned residents to protect themselves against mosquito bites, and distributed Zika prevention kits for pregnant women at local doctors’ offices.

Michael Osterholm, an infectious disease expert from the University of Minnesota, said the two counties involved in the Florida probe – Miami-Dade County and Broward County – have extensive mosquito control experience. But he was surprised that the state had not yet sought CDC’s help in quickly gathering information about where people were when they were bitten.

“When cases like this occur, it’s critical that there be rapid epidemiological investigations to determine the likely location where the mosquito exposure occurred,” Osterholm said. “Only with that can you identify the breeding sites and eliminate them.”

As Zika’s arrival in the United States loomed in recent months, Republican and Democratic leaders have blamed each other for holding up funding to fight it. President Barack Obama’s administration asked Congress for $1.9 billion to fund a Zika response. Republican lawmakers proposed much smaller sums, and talks with their Democratic counterparts stalled before Congress adjourned for the summer.

Scott, a Republican, said on Friday he had asked top officials in the Obama administration, including CDC Director Tom Frieden, for more resources to fight Zika. He has allocated$26 million from the state’s budget.

On July 20, the White House said that Obama had called the Florida governor to discuss the possibility that Zika was circulating in the state, and promised an extra $5.6 million in federal funding in addition to about $2 million provided by CDC.

The statement praised Florida’s record of responding to mosquito-borne outbreaks and its close coordination with federal partners, including the CDC.

“Florida does what Florida does,” said one public health expert familiar with the investigation. “If I were health commissioner, I would have asked for their (CDC’s) help immediately.”

(Reporting by Julie Steenhuysen; Editing by Michele Gershberg and Bernard Orr)

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Zika Map In Florida Raises Questions

Zika hot spot in Downtown Miami.

Zika. It’s no joke. Neither is rare pediatric cancer.

Within days after evidence that four cases of Zika virus were contracted in Miami, Gov. Rick Scott and his Florida Department of Health released a map of where, exactly, they suspected the Zika-bearing mosquito bites to have occurred. The news, making national headlines, shows a concerned governor addressing a real public health threat.

Well consider: Gov. Scott and his Florida Department of Health have sat on data for years based on statistical evidence of a rare pediatiatric cancer cluster in Miami-Dade County. No map.

Today, the State of Florida could produce a map in street and block level detail like the Zika cases, showing every instance of rare pediatric cancer. Why hasn’t Gov. Rick Scott responded with the same urgency as Zika?

Why would privacy rights cover cancer data but not Zika? The state has other stated reasons to conceal: the correlation between cause and effect of rare pediatric cancer is hard to pin down. Moreover, the long incubation period for cancers means that current block level addresses may not reflect where the cancer was contracted. Then, there is the question of “blame”.

With Zika, it is simple to assess blame. Zika occurs through a widely despised insect. We hate mosquitos so much we routinely kill them with chemicals that can cause even more harm.

Zika is a very bad virus for a small percentage of people. Rare pediatric cancer is a lasting and terrible result for every family member it touches.

Why wouldn’t the State of Florida and Gov. Rick Scott do everything in their power to illuminate the facts for citizens? On this question, the state and Scott administration are silent.

One reason is clear. Wherever pediatric cancer clusters have been alleged or identified, there has been a public convulsion.

Polluters who are big campaign funders are horrified by examples like Erin Brockovitch, an American legal clerk and environmental activist, who helped build a major tort case against a California polluter on behalf of cancer victims in 1993. Disease is political, and it is much easier being political against a mosquito.

According to University of West Florida researcher Dr. Raid Amin, Miami-Dade County isn’t the only rare pediatric cancer cluster in Florida. Although his analyses have been peer-reviewed and verified six times by the nation’s premier statistical organization, the American Statistical Association, the state has refused to provide an independent analysis based on verification of a street and block level census as it is doing with Zika in Miami-Dade.

The reason: the map. Maps are very powerful tools. Dr. Amin’s maps of likely rare pediatric cancer clusters are only at the zip code level, based on the limited report he was able to obtain for research purposes. Because the maps created by Dr. Amin’s team only show zip codes, they lack the power and punch of the Zika maps.

If Dr. Amin had been given confidential access to the street and block level data, or if the State of Florida would publish a verifiable, independent analysis at that same level of detail, the maps would be just as compelling as the map of Zika infections in Miami-Dade.

That data is not only available, it is accessible with a few key strokes. Withholding data, as Gov. Rick Scott is doing with statistical evidence of rare pediatric cancer clusters in Florida — not just Miami — , is a great disservice to the taxpayers and citizens, but especially to the families of cancer victims. Then, Gov. Scott — with his deep background in the health care industry — would have to do something about those maps.

Much easier to blame a mosquito we know to harbor a bad virus than to sort out environmental factors that lead to rare pediatric cancer.

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The Two Conventions

After back-to-back Republican and Democratic conventions, the stage is set for a 100-day mad dash to the November presidential contest. There were telling differences between the two events.

To begin with, the conventions revealed the state of play within each party. Both Republicans and Democrats confronted insurgencies with dramatically different outcomes. On the Republican side, one of the insurgent candidates, Donald Trump, vanquished the establishment leaving the party in some disarray. Many national GOP leaders boycotted the convention and refused to endorse Trump. Those who endorsed the victor did so either because they felt they had no choice or because they retained a vague hope that should he win, their congressional leaders would be able to limit the damage that might occur in an unrestrained Trump presidency. Adding to the fractiousness of the GOP’s situation, significant components of another insurgent group, prominent leaders of the religious right, also refused to endorse the nominee creating negative press with a walkout on the first day followed by a prime time rejection by Ted Cruz on day three.

The Democrats fared somewhat better since their establishment candidate, Hillary Clinton, won. Because Clinton embraced a good number of her opponent’s progressive proposals, Bernie Sanders’ felt comfortable enough to give her a full-throated endorsement on the convention’s opening night. This display of unity appeared to be enough to mollify many of Sanders’ supporters, though a number of movement activists who had embraced the Sanders’ cause left the convention unsatisfied. Nevertheless, the Democrats concluded their four-day meeting with the appearance of greater unity than had been found at the GOP gathering.

There was another key difference between the two parties’ quadrennial events. Modern conventions have been largely stripped of their political functions, reducing them to over-produced infomercials. While Trump had promised a “blockbuster”, the Republican convention was a lack-luster affair bringing together a strange collection of minor “celebrities” and drew headlines for a series of unforced errors.

On the first day, there was a contentious rules fight leading to a mass walk-out. This opening sour note was later eclipsed by revelations that the initially well-reviewed speech by Trump’s wife had been, in part, plagiarized from a speech given by Michelle Obama, 8 years earlier. On the next night, Trump inexplicably decided to call into one of the networks to complain about an unrelated issue in the midst of an emotional speech by the mother of a victim of the embassy attack in Benghazi. Then, of course, there was the pay back speech by Ted Cruz. With most GOP luminaries not in attendance, the key Trump endorsement speeches were given by his children.

In contrast, the Democrats’ event was well produced and, despite moments of tension and controversy, was a nearly flawless affair. Clinton was able to receive validation and support from President Obama, First Lady Michelle Obama, Vice-President Biden, her main opponent Senator Sanders, leading progressive Senator Elizabeth Warren, and most of the Democratic party’s Senators and Members of Congress. In addition, there was a host of major celebrities who performed at or addressed the event.

The Democrats were also able to dodge a few potentially disruptive bullets caused by concerns among Sanders’ supporters that the establishment had unfairly tipped the scales of the election in favor of Clinton. The Clinton team did this by agreeing with Sanders to form a commission to write new rules for party operations and for the next election and by forcing the party’s controversial chair to resign in advance of the convention.

The Sanders and Clinton campaigns did compromise on the party platform with Clinton accepting more progressive positions that had been put forward by Sanders. Nevertheless some movement activists who had embraced the Sanders’ campaign remained unsettled by concerns like: the absence of strong and clear opposition to unfair trade agreements; a commitment to no more war and universal health care for all; and a firmer position in defense of Palestinian rights. This resulted in a few demonstrations inside the convention and larger protests outside the hall. But while these efforts served as reminders of work that remains to be done, none ultimately disrupted the thematic orchestration of the Clinton convention.

A final major differences between the two conventions were in the themes they conveyed. Trumps’ insurgency has been predicated on the personality of Trump, hatred of all things Clinton, and the frustration, fear, and anger of those who have felt they are losing ground in today’s economy and changing world. They resent the “other”–Mexicans, Muslims, and groups whom they feel benefit from affirmative action programs. They fear crime, terrorism, loss of American power and prestige, and changes in the world and society that have feeling left out and adrift. Sensing this, Trump and his convention preyed on this anger and fear–focusing it on the person of Hillary Clinton.    

The convention was an angry affair with former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani ranting about crime and Clinton, and New Jersey Governor Chris Christie leading a shocking anti-Clinton floor chant of “lock her up”. For his part, Trump’s acceptance speech was well-crafted and well-delivered. But it was an anger-filled dark litany of the nation’s ills. It was a far-reaching indictment of all that is wrong with America with his solution being to elect him with the vague assurance that he alone knows how to get it right.

Clinton, on the other hand, developed a more positive message. She acknowledged that problems exist, to be sure, but she proposed specific fixes that involved bipartisan compromise, and communities working together with government to create and expand opportunities and improve the quality of life for all. It was an upbeat message conveyed not only by Clinton but by a stream of speakers–citizens from every walk of life who told of their struggles and how action had been to taken to address their needs.      

As political and policy events, the Democrats’ convention had the clear advantage. Both parties spent considerable time in attacking the others’ nominee. But Democrats were better at telling their story, presenting their candidate and their programs, and creating optimism that they had made progress in the last 8 years and would continue to make positive change in the years to come.

If anything, the two conventions established was that just as the primary season has been raucous and contentious, the general election promises more of the same. It will be an election like no other.  

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Toothbrush Melts Into Oblivion In Surprisingly Hypnotic Video

Who knew that watching a toothbrush melt could be so mesmerizing?

The oral hygiene instrument is slowly blow-torched into oblivion in a hypnotic new video posted online. 

The team at the “Let’s Melt This” channel on YouTube are behind the clip, which is now going viral.

The channel, launched in March, is following in the trend of other famous YouTubers who regularly obliterate everyday objects for entertainment.

These include Finnish factory owner Lauri Vuohensilta, who crushes items with his hydraulic press, and the Slow Mo Guys, who film their explosive exploits using high-definition cameras.

The melting-obsessed channel has already garnered more than 4.6 million views in total. Previous clips show a Rubik’s Cube, a wrist watch and a dinner fork all being blow-torched before our very eyes.

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Art Of The AIDS Years: What Took Museums So Long?

For my generation of American gay men, the AIDS epidemic was a second Vietnam War. It reached us as a rumor and soon revealed itself as a killing field. Just as the war had divided the country, so did AIDS. From initial public reports in 1981, through the end of the Reagan presidency in 1989, many people at risk saw the threat as threefold: from the disease itself, from rampant homophobia and from a government that simultaneously withheld help and initiated campaigns of fear.

In those years, combating the enemy was a D.I.Y. mix of community organizing, medical volunteerism and direct action. Art was very much in the picture, because artists were hard hit by the epidemic, but also because art is (or can be) strategically useful. It can broadcast or insinuate messages into the larger culture, embody complex truths, absorb fear, preserve memory.

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The Gay We Were: 'Edge Of Seventeen'

The 1990s were an odd little crossroads for gay entertainment. The dominant mainstream narrative — when it paid any attention at all — trended towards the AIDS crisis and tragedy. At the same time, far from the mainstream, the cottage industry of gay romantic comedies pitched itself to a greatly underserved market. These movies barely made it to a theatrical release, and it’s fair to say that most of them weren’t great films, but they were what passed for a niche genre back then, and that makes them important. Certainly, for a child of the ’90s, they were formative in ways both good and bad. With The Gay We Were, we’re going to examine this subgenre one film at a time and examine what they said about gay entertainment and the era that once was.

This Week’s Film: Edge of Seventeen
Release Date: June 11, 1999
Directed by: David Moreton
Written by: David Moreton and Todd Stephens
Starring: Chris Stafford, Tina Holmes, Andersen Gabrych, Lea DeLaria

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Turkey Kills 35 Militants After They Try To Storm Base, Officials Say

Turkey’s army killed 35 Kurdish militants after they attempted to storm a base in the southeastern Hakkari province early on Saturday, military officials said.

The overnight attack came hours after clashes in Hakkari’s Cukurca district between soldiers and militants from the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) that left eight soldiers dead, the officials said.

The militants attempted to take the base in three different groups, but were spotted by aerial reconnaissance. An air operation was launched, killing 23 of them, the officials said.

Four more were then killed in a ground operation, they said. The remaining eight were killed in clashes in Hakkari’s Cukurca district.

Friday’s clashes in Cukurca also left 25 soldiers wounded, the officials said.

Turkey’s military – NATO’s second-largest – is grappling with the insurgency in the mainly Kurdish southeast as its senior ranks undergo a major shake-up in following a July 15-16 coup attempt.

On Thursday, Turkey announced an overhaul of the armed forces, with 99 colonels promoted to the rank of general or admiral and nearly 1,700 military personnel given dishonourable discharges over their alleged roles in the coup.

About 40 percent of all generals and admirals in the military have been dismissed since the coup.

In the southeast, the military has frequently carried out air strikes after a 2 1/2-year ceasefire and peace process between the government and the PKK broke down last summer.

Thousands of militants and hundreds of civilians and soldiers have been killed since then. Some cities in the predominantly Kurdish southeast have been engulfed in the worst violence since the 1990s.

More than 40,000 people have been killed in the conflict since the PKK – designated a terrorist group by Turkey, the United States and the European Union – began its insurgency in 1984.

(Reporting by Seyhmus Cakan and Humeyra Pamuk; Writing by David Dolan; Editing by Larry King)

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Syria Is Not America's War To Fight

A group of State Department officials recently sent a confidential cable chiding the administration for not adding another war to America’s very full agenda. The 51 diplomats called for “targeted military strikes” against the Syrian government and greater support for “moderate” forces fighting the regime.

One of the architects of current policy, Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton, also has turned against the administration’s more disengaged approach. She urged creation of a no fly zone, an act of war, as well as greater support for insurgents.

The conflict is horrid, of course, but no one has explained how U.S. entry into Syria’s multi-sided civil war would actually end the murder and mayhem. Nor has anyone shown how America making another Middle Eastern conflict its own would serve Americans’ interests.

Washington policymakers seem addicted to intervention and war, unable to imagine there is any international problem they cannot solve. In fact, such an admission would be seen as almost obscene in Washington culture.

Despite the repeated failure of social engineering at home, leading officials believe that they can transcend culture, history, religion, ethnicity, geography, and more and forcibly transform other peoples and nations. Those who resist America’s tender mercies via bombs, drones, infantry, and special operation forces are assumed to deserve their fate.

It has become a dangerous bipartisan nightmare. There are occasional outliers–Ron and Rand Paul, for instance, and Donald Trump, who appears ready to break with interventionist orthodox. However, there is little apparent difference between Hillary Clinton and George W. Bush.

This interventionist impulse is particularly inappropriate for a devilishly complex conflict like Syria. The war hawks contend that if the U.S. had acted, in some theoretical yet far-sighted fashion, there would have been no vacuum to be filled by the Islamic State. The “moderate” rebels would have triumphed, and members of all factions would have joined to sing Kumbaya while creating a democratic, peaceful, and liberal future for Syria.

Unfortunately, Washington’s early insistence on Bashar al-Assad’s overthrow thwarted hope for a negotiated settlement. The claim that the U.S. could have provided just the right amount of assistance to just the right groups to yield just the right outcome is a fantasy, belied by America’s failure get much of anything in the Middle East right. Even when Washington seemingly enjoyed full control in Iraq the U.S. did just about everything wrong, triggering the sectarian conflict which spawned the Islamic State.

Military action would be even more dangerous today given Russia’s involvement. Americans have a humanitarian interest in ending the conflict, but no effective way to do so. Washington has no comparable security interest in Syria warranting military confrontation with Moscow.

Syria matters much more to Russia, which has a long relationship with Damascus, enjoys access to the Mediterranean from a Syrian base, and has only limited influence elsewhere in the region. No fly proponents blithely assume that Moscow would yield to U.S. dictates, but America would not surrender if the situation was reversed. A no fly zone would not bring peace to Syria but would risk a military incident with a nuclear-armed power.

The State Department dissenters argued for limited strikes on Syria in service of diplomacy, a position more reasonable than that offered by most war advocates. Nevertheless, what if such attacks failed? What if Damascus deployed Russian anti-aircraft systems? What if Moscow escalated against U.S.-supported insurgents? Would Washington concede or double down?

In fact, no one has a realistic scheme to put the Syrian Humpty-Dumpty back together again. America’s allies, like Saudi Arabia, are no more interested than Russia and Iran in democracy.

Ousting Assad would effectively clear the way for the Islamic State and other radical factions. So far supporting so-called moderate insurgents has done little more than end up indirectly supplying ISIL and al-Nusra, an al-Qaeda affiliate, with recruits and weapons. Turkey is at war with the same Kurdish fighters America supports.

While horror is the appropriate reaction to Syria’s civil war, the U.S. has no solution to offer. No doubt, the conflict is destabilizing–but expanding the conflict would be so as well. Indeed, events in Iraq and Libya, both triggered by maladroit Washington military intervention, also are destabilizing.

The U.S. should adopt a policy of first do no harm. Stay out of the conflict. Don’t add to the tragedy. Accept refugees fleeing for their lives. Provide humanitarian aid to those within reach. That would be an agenda of which Americans could be proud.

This article was first posted to National Interest online.

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