Hillary Clinton Calls On Donald Trump To Condemn Anti-Semitism

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Former Democratic presidential nominee Hillary Clinton on Tuesday joined the growing calls for President Donald Trump to condemn a spate of anti-Semitic hate crimes in recent weeks.

Clinton tweeted that Trump “must speak out” against the “troubling” attacks.

Anti-Semitic hate crimes have been on the rise, according to multiple organizations that track such incidents. They’re part of a larger spike in racist and bigoted attacks that have occurred since Trump began his presidential campaign.

On Monday alone, nearly a dozen Jewish community centers across the country received threatening phone calls. And a Jewish cemetery in the St. Louis area was vandalized over the weekend. 

Trump and his administration have not directly addressed the attacks and have said little to condemn earlier hate crimes.

At a news conference last week, Trump criticized a Jewish reporter for asking about the increase in threats, and then claimed he was the “least anti-Semitic person that you’ve ever seen in your entire life.”

The president was also asked about the topic during a separate news conference with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. He responded by boasting about winning the Electoral College.

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Stephen Colbert Explains Why Trump Is More Of A 'Bite-Size' Dictator

Donald Trump is apparently putting the “tater” in dictator. 

Stephen Colbert slammed President Trump on Monday’s “Late Show” for his recent tweet calling various news organizations “the enemy of the American People.”

”Sorry, ISIS,” said Colbert. “If you want to get on the list, you gotta publish photos of Trump’s inauguration crowd. Then he’ll be really, really angry at you.”

Colbert pointed out how Senator John McCain criticized the comments, saying that you need a “free and many times adversarial press” to preserve democracy. 

“Without it, I’m afraid that we would lose so much of our individual liberties over time. That’s how dictators get started,” said McCain.

That sounds bigly scary, but Colbert helped explain McCain’s comment.

“Just to be clear, he’s not saying Trump is a dictator. He’s saying getting rid of the free press is how dictators get started, OK? He’s not calling him a full dictator. He’s more bite-size. He’s a dictator-tot,” said Colbert.

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Jaime Lannister Doesn't Want Us To Look Back And Realize We're 'F**ked'

Winter is coming … for now. 

The effects of climate change may not be visible on “Game of Thrones” Season 7, where Westeros faces a long cold spell and icy White Walkers seem poised to move south. But actor Nikolaj Coster-Waldau says he believes the “vast majority of scientists who say [climate change] is man-made and we have to change our ways.”

While scientists repeatedly warn about the dangers of climate change, many ― including some in the Trump administration ― have called the threat a hoax

Coster-Waldau, who serves as a UNDP Goodwill Ambassador, doesn’t get it. In fact, Jaime “Fookin’” Lannister (as Bronn might say) has the perfect reason why action needs to be taken. He doesn’t want us to get “fooked.”

“I always see it this way: We look in the future, let’s say 50 years from now. We do all we can to combat this and we find out, in 50 years’ time, ‘Hey we couldn’t have done anything. This was just nature. We had nothing to do with it.’ Well, would we have wasted all this energy? No, because we probably would have gotten away from fossil fuels, we’d have much cleaner air and cleaner water and a cleaner world. That would be great, of course,” Coster-Waldau told The Huffington Post.

He continued, “Now, let’s say — if we don’t do anything today — and 50 years from now, find out, ‘Hey, we’re fucked. We’re screwed. We should’ve done something, and we didn’t.’ I just don’t understand the logic behind this.”

Coster-Waldau put his ambassadorship to work recently by partnering with Google Street View to capture images in Greenland, a place where the effects of climate change can actually be seen. 

The actor told us that if his “Game of Thrones” character had Google Street View, he would check out where Khaleesi has been hanging out or even look at the Lannister’s home in Casterly Rock.

“He hasn’t been home for a real long time so he’d probably also check out his home castle,” said Coster-Waldau.

In real-life, his goals are much different. The actor captured images with Street View to raise awareness for climate change and bring some attention to Greenland, his wife Nukaaka Coster-Waldau’s native land. Coster-Waldau also wrote a blog post about his experience in Greenland.

In response to follow-up questions over email about what individuals can do to help and the Trump administration’s policies toward climate change, he pointed to a passage he wrote:

We have a responsibility to protect this beautiful planet we live on, and I’m starting at my own front door. But everywhere and everyone is vulnerable to the effects of our warming planet. Let’s band together and do something about it—learn about global efforts to combat climate change and discover ways to take action. 

The things Jaime Lannister does for love … of the planet.

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Verizon Agrees To Buy Yahoo's Core Internet Business At $350 Million Discount

(Reuters) – Verizon Communications Inc , the No. 1 U.S. wireless carrier, said on Tuesday it agreed to buy the core internet business of Yahoo Inc for $4.48 billion, about $350 million less than the original price.

The deal will combine Yahoo’s search, email and messenger assets as well as advertising technology tools with Verizon’s AOL unit.

Verizon had been trying to persuade Yahoo to amend the terms of the agreement to reflect the economic damage from two cyber attacks.

The closing of the deal, which was first announced in July, has been delayed as the companies assessed the financial fallout from the breaches that Yahoo disclosed last year.

The companies said on Tuesday they expect the deal to close in the second quarter.

Under the amended terms, Yahoo and Verizon will split cash liabilities related to some government investigations and third-party litigation related to the breaches.

Yahoo will continue to be responsible for liabilities from shareholder lawsuits and Securities and Exchange Commission investigations.

Verizon has been looking to mobile video and advertising for new sources of revenue outside the oversaturated wireless market.

 

(Reporting by Aishwarya Venugopal and Anya George Tharakan in Bengaluru; Editing by Saumyadeb Chakrabarty)

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Extinguishing Donald Trump’s Swedish Immigration 'Fire'

As a former intelligence officer, I am a major advocate of the maxim, “facts matter.”  As such, I often find myself cringing when listening to President Trump wax philosophically – and creatively – on any number of issues.  The most recent example of this are the president’s comments about Sweden, made during a rally before supporters held in Melbourne, Florida this pastSaturday

“Here’s the bottom line,” the president said.  “We’ve got to keep our country safe.  You look at what’s happening in Germany.  You look at what’s happening last night in Sweden,” Trump said. “Sweden. Who would believe this? Sweden. They took in large numbers. They’re having problems like they never thought possible.  You look at what’s happening in Brussels. You look at what’s happening all over the world. Take a look at Nice. Take a look at Paris.”

The president then transitioned into the heart of his message, which dealt with his controversial executive order on immigration.  “We’ve allowed thousands and thousands of people into our country, and there was no way to vet those people,” he said. “There was no documentation. There was no nothing. So we’re going to keep our country safe.”

The media – in the United States, Sweden and elsewhere – immediately criticized the president’s words, ascribing meaning and intent in an effort to undermine the message and the man, building on a foundation of negative press regarding Trump’s stalled immigration order banning persons from seven Muslim countries from entering the United States for ninety days while a plan for implementing the president’s vision for “extreme vetting” could be formulated and implemented.

“The comments appeared to refer to recent terror attacks in Germany and elsewhere, but no such attack has occurred in Sweden,” wrote Eric Bradner, of CNN. “Trump’s remark is the latest misplaced reference to a terrorist attack or incident by those in his White House. Trump counselor Kellyanne Conway inaccurately referred to a ‘Bowling Green massacre’ that never took place, and White House press secretary Sean Spicer referred to an attack in Atlanta, later clarifying that he meant to refer to Orlando.”

Steve Benen, of MSNBC, had a similar take on Trump’s Swedish reference.  “Kellyanne Conway recently made repeated references to a ‘massacre’ at Bowling Green that never actually happened. Sean Spicer similarly pointed several times to a terrorist attack in Atlanta that didn’t occur. So perhaps it was inevitable that Donald Trump, fresh off his bizarre claims about U.S. murder rates that exist only in his imagination, would point to a Swedish incident with no basis in reality.”

I actually believe Donald Trump did America, and the world, a favor in bringing up the issue of Swedish immigration.

The British press was no less damning in its reporting.  “Donald Trump appeared to invent an attack on Sweden during a rally in Florida,” wrote The Telegraph, while the Guardian reported that, “Donald Trump appeared to invent a terrorist attack in Sweden during a campaign-style rally in Florida on Saturday.” 

Even the Swedes jumped on the bandwagon, with Swedish Foreign Minister Margot Wallstrom posting on Twitter an excerpt from Trump’s speech, noting that democracy and diplomacy “require us to respect science, facts and the media.”  Former Swedish Foreign Minister Carl Bildt likewise tweeted, “Sweden? Terror attack? What has he been smoking? Questions abound.”

The problem with the bulk of the reporting on Trump’s comments was that it was, simply put, wrong.  Even the New York Times – no friend of Donald Trump – was compelled to admit that, “Mr. Trump did not state, per se, that a terrorist attack had taken place in Sweden. But the context of his remarks – he mentioned Sweden right after he chastised Germany, a destination for refugees and asylum seekers fleeing war and deprivation – suggested that he thought it might have.”

If there was any doubt as to what President Trump was actually thinking (vice what reporters thought he was thinking), it was quickly put to rest by the president himself, who tweeted Sunday that, “My statement as to what’s happening in Sweden was in reference to a story that was broadcast on @FoxNews concerning immigrants & Sweden.” He followed that tweet with another on Monday, noting that, “Give the public a break – The FAKE NEWS media is trying to say that large scale immigration in Sweden is working out just beautifully. NOT!”

The president, it seems, was watching an episode of Tucker Carlson’s evening news program, where Mr. Carlson interviewed a controversial right-wing Jewish documentary filmmaker, Ami Horowitz, who had finished a project on Sweden’s immigration policy.  Mr. Horowitz is a noted Islamophobe whose film seeks to label Sweden as a nation whose pro-immigration policies coddle Islamic terrorism.  His appearance on Tucker Carlson’s show was part and parcel of a trend of reporting by Fox News sympathetic to President Trump and his policies, and as such it should be a surprise to no one that Mr. Trump had been tuned in and watching as Carlson interviewed Horowitz.

That President Trump gets some of his information from watching prime time news shows should neither shock nor surprise Americans who are similarly empowered by such information sources; after all, what is good for the goose should be good for the gander.  That the president chooses to publicly comment on this information without first vetting it – or, in the president’s own parlance, “extreme vetting” it – with the resources uniquely available to him, such as the State Department, the National Security Council, etc., is, at the very least, disturbing.  

The president, whether he realizes it or not, speaks on behalf of an entire country, and not just that segment of society that supports him and his policies.  Even if Mr. Trump is personally sympathetic to the selective and self-serving reporting of Mr. Horowitz and Fox News, he should be assiduous in making sure that, as president, his words leave little open to suggestion by being as precise in fact and context as possible. The fact, however, that President Trump is, and was, not doing so should not come as a surprise to either the public or the media; he consistently campaigned in this fashion during his successful run for the White House, and his actions and words, in transition and during the first three weeks in office, have demonstrated little if any trend away from sustaining that behavior. 

That President Trump and the media are currently engaged in a much publicized feud over their respective veracity is well known to all; neither side does itself any service by engaging in actions that only reinforces the talking points of the other side.  President Trump should be far more precise and accurate in his facts and commentary, period.  The media should likewise limit its reporting to those facts that the president has publicly committed to; Mr. Trump provides more than enough ammunition for fact-based reporters to stay gainfully employed without sinking to the artifice of discerning (i.e., manufacturing) “suggestion” and “intent” behind what the president says.  To behave otherwise is to demean the status and value of the Fourth Estate to the American people. 

An enemy of the truth is, by extension, an enemy of the American people.  Both the president and the media should heed that simple fact, since their future credibility hangs on their perceived adherence to the same.  A viable democracy such as the United States requires fact-based debate, discussion and dialogue in order to sustain and further societal growth and health – a static society is a dying society.  It is in America’s interest to keep evolving as a nation, seeking new solutions to old problems, and to do so in a manner which encourages the frank and open participation by all citizens, whether others agree with them or not.

In this light, I actually believe Donald Trump did America, and the world, a favor in bringing up the issue of Swedish immigration. The inability of the American (and international) media to help facilitate a responsible debate on the subject by reporting on perceived “suggestion” or “intent” behind the president’s words, vice the actual words themselves, however, has created a situation where the American people can’t see the forest for the trees. 

It’s not that I agree with the president’s immigration policy – I don’t.  My wife and her family are immigrants (she is a naturalized citizen, her father a green card-carrying permanent resident), and our ability to interact with our extended family abroad is dependent on the freedom of movement between the United States and her native Republic of Georgia.  The Georgian Republic is, today, an ally of the United States, its population deeply Christian in religious orientation and as such largely immune to the limitations on immigration proposed by the president.

While I do not share Ami Horowitz’s sweeping denunciation of Sweden’s experience with Muslim immigrants, I do have an opinion on the issue based upon first-hand experience.

It isn’t the impact of the president’s proposed policy on a personal level that prompts my opposition, but rather the fact that families like my own will be adversely impacted simply because of geography or religion.  America has the ability and resources to deal with the issue of immigration with the precision of a surgeon, excising those who are shown to represent a threat to American security while allowing entry to those who don’t; in contrast, Trump’s proposed policy represents a hammer-like approach.  We can, and should, do better.

The best solutions, however, come only once a problem has been properly defined, and here the problem revolves around both the practical methodologies involved in any vetting of immigrants, extreme or otherwise, and the public perception of the impact upon society that any surge of immigration might have.  While I do not share Ami Horowitz’s sweeping denunciation of Sweden’s experience with Muslim immigrants, I do have an opinion on the issue based upon first-hand experience.  In late 2007 I had the opportunity to attend a week-long advanced firefighting academy in Sweden, followed by a 72-hour operational “ride along” with Swedish firefighters in the city of Malmo, Sweden’s 3rd largest city with a population of 300,00 – 20 percent of whom are Muslim immigrants. 

I spent a decade in the fire service, and had the opportunity to interact with firefighters from across the United States and around the world.  I’ve always viewed the fire service as the true barometer of a society; politicians can sweep inconvenient facts under the rug, while a population can coast through life, deaf, dumb and blind about the real problems that exist out of sight, out of mind.  Not so the firefighter (or, for that case, the police officer and emergency medical services.)

These first responders know the truth (sometimes ugly) about the state of affairs in a given community.  Is there a heroin problem?  Ask the firefighter – he or she will be able to draw a map showing precisely where they respond to calls of that nature.  Firefighters know the parts of town that have been hit by unemployment, where medical insurance is non-existent, or where immigrant communities (both legal and otherwise) reside.

If you spend some time in a firehouse, as I have, you get a very accurate readout of the pulse of the society they serve.  I was a Bernie Sanders supporter during the last election, but by September 2016 I was telling my friends that Donald Trump was going to win, not because I wanted him to, but because that was the feeling I was getting from the firehouses in the parts of America largely ignored by mainstream politicians – the rust belt of the northeast and Midwest America where support for Trump was directly related to the ills of society firefighters knew existed, and which were not being adequately addressed by the political powers that be.

I never met a society more open-minded and tolerant of outsiders than the Swedes.  In Malmo, I was driven around the city by a succession of fire chiefs who proudly displayed the work being done by their municipality to receive and care for the large immigrant policy – primarily Muslim – that called the city home.  The front-line firefighters that I met and worked with shared the pride in their city, and Sweden’s policy of openness and inclusiveness, shown by their command, but balanced it with a healthy dose of skepticism born of first-hand experience with the ugly side of the immigrant experience. 

I personally witnessed the reality of entire neighborhoods in the city where firefighters and police were not welcomed with open arms.  While not absolute “no go” zones (the Malmo firefighters, after all, responded to calls in these areas), these neighborhoods were “slow go” zones, meaning firefighters entered with caution.  Arson incidents in these immigrant neighborhoods were rampant – I responded to two during my stay, one of which was a school targeted for simply being secular.  The firefighters I rode with told of being pelted with rocks while responding to other emergency calls just a week before I arrived, and many times prior.  The firefighters spoke of the need for increased outreach to the immigrant community, including trying to recruit immigrants into the emergency response force, but noted that these efforts were stymied by the close-knit nature of many immigrant neighborhoods which made meaningful integration into Swedish society very difficult.

My experience with the firefighters of Malmo in no way validates the reporting of Ami Horowitz, Fox News or any media outlet seeking to paint Sweden as a seething cauldron of Islamic fundamentalism operating in the heart of Europe.  What it does do, however, is underscore the reality that when a society undertakes to open its doors to large-scale immigration, there exists the potential for the kind of disruptive, sometimes violent experiences that occurred – and continue to occur – in Malmo – and throughout Sweden as a whole.  Rather than being dismissive of the Swedish experience, however, America would do well to reach out to the Swedes for their lessons learned, so that America can proactively address the problems and solutions already identified and acted on by the Swedes.

“Sweden,” President Trump said. “Who would believe this? Sweden. They took in large numbers. They’re having problems like they never thought possible.”  But they also have solutions – just ask the firefighters of Malmo.  I did, and my eyes were opened. Let’s hope the president will, too, especially on the eve of the rollout of his newly revamped immigration policy.

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White House Delivered EU-Skeptic Message Before Pence Visit

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In the week before U.S. Vice President Mike Pence visited Brussels and pledged America’s “steadfast and enduring” commitment to the European Union, White House chief strategist Steve Bannon met with a German diplomat and delivered a different message, according to people familiar with the talks.

Bannon, these people said, signalled to Germany’s ambassador to Washington that he viewed the EU as a flawed construct and favoured conducting relations with Europe on a bilateral basis.

Three people who were briefed on the meeting spoke to Reuters on condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter. The German government and the ambassador, Peter Wittig, declined to comment, citing the confidentiality of the talks.

A White House official who checked with Bannon in response to a Reuters query confirmed the meeting had taken place but said the account provided to Reuters was inaccurate. “They only spoke for about three minutes and it was just a quick hello,” the official said.

The sources described a longer meeting in which Bannon took the time to spell out his world view. They said his message was similar to the one he delivered to a Vatican conference back in 2014 when he was running the right-wing website Breitbart News.

In those remarks, delivered via Skype, Bannon spoke favourably about European populist movements and described a yearning for nationalism by people who “don’t believe in this kind of pan-European Union.”

Western Europe, he said at the time, was built on a foundation of “strong nationalist movements”, adding: “I think it’s what can see us forward”.

The encounter unsettled people in the German government, in part because some officials had been holding out hope that Bannon might temper his views once in government and offer a more nuanced message on Europe in private.

One source briefed on the meeting said it had confirmed the view that Germany and its European partners must prepare for a policy of “hostility towards the EU”.

A second source expressed concern, based on his contacts with the administration, that there was no appreciation for the EU’s role in ensuring peace and prosperity in post-war Europe.

“There appears to be no understanding in the White House that an unravelling of the EU would have grave consequences,” the source said.

The White House said there was no transcript of the conversation. The sources who had been briefed on it described it as polite and stressed there was no evidence Trump was prepared to go beyond his rhetorical attacks on the EU – he has repeatedly praised Britain’s decision to leave – and take concrete steps to destabilise the bloc.

But anxiety over the White House stance led French Foreign Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault and Wolfgang Ischinger, chairman of the Munich Security Conference, to issue unusual calls last week for Pence to affirm during his visit to Europe that the U.S. was not aiming to break up the EU.

Pence obliged on Monday in Brussels, pledging strong ties between the United States and the EU, and making clear his message was shared by the president.

“President Trump and I look forward to working together with you and the European Union to deepen our political and economic partnership,” he said.

But the message did not end the concerns in European capitals.

“We are worried and we should be worried,” Thomas Matussek, senior adviser at Flint Global and a former German ambassador to the Britain and the United Nations, told Reuters.

“No one knows anything at the moment about what sort of decisions will be coming out of Washington. But it is clear that the man on top and the people closest to him feel that it’s the nation state that creates identity and not what they see as an amorphous group of countries like the EU.”

With elections looming in the Netherlands, France and Germany this year, European officials said they hoped Pence, Secretary of Defense Jim Mattis and Secretary of State Rex Tillerson could convince Trump to work constructively with the EU.

The worst-case scenario from Europe’s point of view was described by Ischinger in an article published last week, entitled “How Europe should deal with Trump”.

He said that if the U.S. administration actively supported right-wing populists in the looming election campaigns it would trigger a “major transatlantic crisis”.

(Additional reporting by Roberta Rampton and Alastair Macdonald in Brussels, Jeff Mason in Washington; editing by Mark John)

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Lindsay Lohan Claims She Was Profiled While Wearing A Headscarf

Lindsay Lohan alleges she was profiled at London’s Heathrow Airport on Monday while wearing a headscarf. 

The actress, who has been reading and studying the Quran, claimed she was stopped by an airport employee during an interview with “Good Morning Britain” Tuesday

“When I was flying to New York recently, I was wearing headscarf and I got stopped,” she said. “She [an airport official] opened my passport and saw ‘Lindsay Lohan’ and started immediately apologizing, but then said, ‘Please take off your headscarf.’ And I did. It’s OK. But what scared me was, at that moment, how would another woman who doesn’t feel comfortable taking off her headscarf feel? That was really interesting to me. I was kind of in shock.”

Lohan, who described the experience as “jarring,” said she was traveling from Turkey and wore the headscarf out of respect. 

“I felt more comfortable that way [with the headscarf] and then I was a little scared going to America,” she added. 

A representative for Heathrow Airport was not immediately available to comment on the situation. 

The “Mean Girls” star has been seen carrying a Quran since 2015. During an interview earlier this month with the Daily Mail, she said the current political climate surrounding President Donald Trump’s Muslim ban has left her unsettled.

“I was scared to come here with everything going on because of my personal beliefs,” she said.

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What Does It Really Mean To Win Best Picture?

Sunday’s Oscars loom in the shadow of Donald Trump’s fledgling presidency. As with every awards show this year, we can expect a night of equal-rights diatribes mounted in resistance to the regressive legislation and callow disregard for tradition that has defined the Trump administration’s debut.

But before arriving at the annual ritual, we will have already seen one of the most politically driven Best Picture debates unfurl in the media. This time, it’s personal.

Perhaps more than ever, the Best Picture contest seems to double as a referendum on our culture’s conscience. It’s bigger than the Oscars, just as Beyoncé losing Album of the Year to Adele was bigger than the Grammys. If movies are statements about the world around us, then one purpose of the Academy Awards is to adjudicate the year’s best cinematic manifestos. That’s complicated when titles from Obama’s America are being feted in Trump’s America. 

It’s especially complicated when considering the Oscars’ thorny political backdrop. Throughout its 89-year history, the event has, after all, become a shrine to Hollywood’s liberal values ― even when the movies themselves aren’t explicitly political. 

In 2014, “12 Years a Slave” director Steve McQueen ended his Best Picture acceptance speech by dedicating the award “to all the people who have endured slavery and the 21 million people who still suffer slavery today.” He then turned to the cast and crew surrounding him onstage and leapt into the air enthusiastically. 

In 2016, “Spotlight” producer Michael Sugar addressed his Best Picture acceptance speech to Pope Francis, saying he hopes the recognition will inspire “a choir that will resonate all the way to the Vatican.” He then turned and gave Michael Keaton a bear hug. 

In both cases, it would have been surprising not to hear rallying cries related to the human-rights transgressions depicted in these films. 

Sandwiched between the “12 Years a Slave” and “Spotlight” victories was “Birdman.” The closest that movie came to tackling social ills was something along the lines of “middle age = hard.” Yet director Alejandro González Iñárritu, a Mexico native, politicized his acceptance speech anyway, ending with a sweet pro-immigration sentiment. 

This all took place during Barack Obama’s tenure. In terms of Hollywood’s nerve center, it was a time of relative political ease.

But amid radical unrest, what does it mean to score popular culture’s most luminous prize?

If there’s one thing we know about the Oscars, it’s this: Even by subjective standards, the year’s best movie often doesn’t nab Best Picture. “The Greatest Show on Earth” beat “Singin’ in the Rain” because “Singin’ in the Rain” wasn’t even nominated. “How Green Was My Valley” topped “Citizen Kane,” frequently cited as the greatest film ever made. “Out of Africa” outpaced “The Color Purple.” “Dances with Wolves” stole the trophy from “Goodfellas.” Perhaps most infamously, voters preferred “Crash” over “Brokeback Mountain,” a groundbreaking masterpiece if we’ve ever seen one. Some would add “Birdman” to the list of failures, too ― it did compete against “Boyhood” and “Selma.”

Understanding that the minutiae of a Best Picture race has little to do with pure quality, any Oscar pundit will tell you this year’s front-runner is “La La Land,” a bubbly musical romance about an aspiring Los Angeles actress and a stubborn jazz purist. “Moonlight,” one of 2016’s most acclaimed releases, could unseat “La La Land” in an underdog triumph, partly because it’s a phenomenal movie and partly because of the important story it tells, about a black latchkey kid grappling with his sexuality in the Miami projects. But watch out for “Hidden Figures,” the charming box-office smash about three black women who were pivotal at NASA in the 1960s. “Hidden Figures” became a veritable threat to the “La La”-”Moonlight” two-hander when it won the Screen Actors Guild Awards’ top prize, a coveted Best Picture pacesetter.

(Apologies to the other six nominees: “Arrival,” “Fences,” “Hacksaw Ridge,” “Hell or High Water,” “Lion” and “Manchester by the Sea.” Thanks for playing.)

During awards season, that bastion of expensive politicking, offscreen narratives supersede art. This year’s narrative goes like this: “La La Land” is the escapist swoon needed to distract from Trump’s horror show, “Moonlight” is a socially vital tale not seen often enough, and “Hidden Figures” is a healthy blend of escapism and import.

Put another way, some journalists and Twitter objectors accuse “La La Land” of being a mansplain-y letdown with subpar dancers and a misguided homage to old-school musicals. They argue it’s simply not the movie Trump’s America needs, at least not when competing against stories about the very sorts of people our government would rather marginalize. The objectors’ objectors call them killjoys who fail to appreciate Damien Chazelle’s colorful flourishes and bittersweet enchantment. These arguments have occurred in countless think pieces since the moment “La La Land” opened. The New York Times’ arts writers, for instance, chimed in one by one on the musical’s merits, and lack thereof, last week.

Such political undercurrents offer a narrow, though not necessarily unfair, rubric for an awards show long granted an inflated premium within our pop-culture landscape. But if politics haunt the Oscars, shouldn’t the recipients reflect the moment’s political mood? 

Maybe. History shows that honoring exemplary art has always been a mere slice of the Oscar pie.

When a coterie of Hollywood bigwigs created the Academy Awards, first held in 1929, they intended to harmonize the ballooning industry, which was facing labor disputes and struggling in the transition from silents to talkies. Within two years, subtle lobbying had started, with studios purchasing ads in trade magazines touting their candidates. In 1953, television broadcasts began, further romanticizing the event. As the years progressed, offscreen solicitations swelled. In 1979, the major studios reportedly spent a collective $1.8 million on Oscar campaigns. Two decades later, Miramax dropped an estimated $5 million on its successful “Shakespeare in Love” crusade alone. By that point, one has to wonder how much a movie’s quality even matters.

Mudslinging, strategic film-festival debuts, baby-kissing industry events and an endless parade of media appearances have become part and parcel of the months-long Oscar season, ultimately defining the derby in tandem with an onslaught of predictive precursor prizes and lingering mythology about who is “overdue” for a win. (See: Leonardo DiCaprio’s “Revenant” sweep.) The nearly 7,000-member Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences is a persuadable, navel-gazing hive mind that, despite recent diversity initiatives, remains dominated by older white men ― the very group that decided “Crash” better reflects its values than “Brokeback Mountain.” 

It can’t be over-emphasized: No matter how many A-listers wax poetic about the power of great art on Oscar night, the Oscars are never really about great art, not exclusively at least.

Which is why a Trump-era victory for “Moonlight” or “Hidden Figures” would be more significant than any other socially relevant winner from the past, including Obama-era champs “Spotlight” and “12 Years a Slave.” Following two consecutive years without any acting nominees of color, we’re blessed with one of the most diverse Oscar rosters in history. Why, some ask, would voters select “La La Land,” in which a white dude mouths off about the death of jazz, an art form historically associated with African-Americans? 

Because it’s about Hollywood, of course. A Best Picture selection exemplifies the way the Academy wants to portray itself. In picking “La La Land,” the electorate advances the notion that movies are the dream ballets to which we all aspire. In opting for “Moonlight,” the Academy can confirm that art is inherently political, and that “Moonlight” is the film America needs to see now. “Hidden Figures,” again, combines the two value systems.

In every sense, there’s room for both styles of movies. Cinema does provide an escapism that has become woven into the fabric of our culture, and that’s perfectly fine. It also tackles hot-button issues in ways that shape how we see the world around us. There’s a reason Vietnam War epics “The Deer Hunter” and “Apocalypse Now” ― both Oscar winners ― were such important works in the 1970s, for example. 

As mass media has mushroomed throughout the Oscars’ history, so has our treatment of the Academy as a cultural figurehead. It means something ― it means a lot, in fact ― that so few filmmakers of color have been nominated, or that the Oscars have spotty credentials when it comes to stories about queer subjects. If these awards are America’s gold standard, people of all backgrounds deserve an invitation. 

But no matter the political jeremiads that flank Oscar night, the compulsion to gauge nominees based on the White House’s affairs has never been this frank. Just look at the past decade. Analyses of 2010’s campaigns indicated “The Hurt Locker” bested sci-fi behemoth “Avatar” because it staged a fierce dark-horse coup, not because it tackled the then-ongoing Iraq War. 2011’s titleholder, “The King’s Speech,” a typical Hollywood period piece, is one of the more divisive Best Picture upsets, largely because the moral ambiguity and topical timeliness of “The Social Network” made for a more progressive filmmaking style. Many chalk up the next two choices ― “The Artist” (over, say, “The Tree of Life”) and “Argo” (over “Lincoln”) ― as evidence of Hollywood’s love affair with itself. 

These competing codes ― potent campaigns, forward-thinking filmmaking, masturbatory interests ― create a hodgepodge of Best Picture history that hasn’t prepared us to agree that Trump’s election should determine the winner. It is only within the Oscars’ limited scope that “La La Land” and “Moonlight” ― movies with little in common ― are pitted against each other. And that’s where it helps to realize the Oscars create more phony narratives about popular culture than perhaps any other institution. Suddenly, you’re either a “Moonlight” fan or a “La La Land” fan, creating a false choice between supporting inclusivity or encouraging the same old Hollywood frolics.

But if there’s one consistent message the Academy sends, it’s that a Best Picture winner reflects the product Hollywood is proud to have made. Knowing the economic boon such a victory can bring to a movie, the Academy seems to say, “Go see this so we can make more like it.”

For many playing along at home, that theory leads to an easy answer: We’ve seen movies like “La La Land” before, and we’ll see them again. Instead, we must fight for movies like “Hidden Figures” and, especially, “Moonlight,” which would be the second-lowest-grossing winner in history after “The Hurt Locker.”

It’s encouraging to know the Academy has proven increasingly capable of crowning films that aren’t the box-office bonanzas so cherished in a mercurial industry. Look no further than the little-seen “Birdman” conquering the lucrative “American Sniper,” or the fact that “Spotlight” was every bit as worthy as “Mad Max: Fury Road.” Despite rapacious business models, money isn’t the only form of profit. To coronate low performers is to risk seeming out of touch with common moviegoers, but the Oscars were never designed to be populist anyway.

That timeworn tug-of-war is on display again this year. The box-office success of “La La Land” and “Hidden Figures” make them far more popular, and arguably more relevant as a result. Yet despite initially positive reviews, “La La Land” does not mean to its fans what “Moonlight” means to its admirers, especially considering the latter’s smaller marketing budget. Few will leave “La La Land” thinking, “Finally, my story is being told.” And anyway, “La La” and “Hidden Figures” did not muster the volume of critical enthusiasm that “Moonlight” enjoyed. 

What, then, makes one deserving of Best Picture over another? The weight of Hollywood’s future.

For a final example, let’s turn to the most glaring anecdote: In 1995, the edgy oddity “Pulp Fiction” lost to “Forrest Gump,” a box-office medalist drenched in conventional bathos. It’s an indisputable travesty, as “Pulp Fiction” is superior by every rubric except revenue. Critics knew it then, and just about everyone knows it now. Moreover, there would be ample “Forrest Gumps,” aka fables about heterosexual white men overcoming adversity in fantastical ways. Less reliable was the assumption that mainstream moviegoers in the mid-’90s would turn the next “Pulp Fiction” into a notable hit, thereby encouraging studios to invest in more like it ― and that’s a big part of why the Academy made a mistake. (Case in point: Quentin Tarantino’s next film, “Jackie Brown,” grossed one-third of what “Pulp Fiction” made domestically.) It’s not that there isn’t room for movies like “Forrest Gump.” But they do not boast the same flash-in-the-pan singularity of “Pulp Fiction,” just like “La La Land” does not carry the same dynamic originality of “Moonlight.”

At some point, the Academy has to decide for itself what the future of moviegoing must look like. What should people want to see? What should filmmakers aspire to? Dream ballets or mirrors held up to a knotty world? In other words, will voters pick more of the same or blaze a fresh frontier? With so much of the Obama administration’s progress in flux, our democracy awaits the answer. 

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Watch Angelina Jolie Cook Up Scorpions And Spiders For Her Kids

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Have a hard enough time getting your kids to eat their peas? Angelina Jolie has her brood chowing down on scorpions and tarantulas.

In a BBC clip posted Sunday, the actress cooked the creepy-crawlies with her children in Cambodia, then dug in with them.

We’ll savor these home-movie moments forever when Jolie says, “Who wants to share a spider?” and “It’s hard to chew the scorpions” as though she were at a backyard barbecue on the Fourth of July. 

Those wanting to follow the “Maleficent” star’s lead on insect cuisine might want to heed her advice in the video:

“You start with crickets, crickets and a beer. And then you kind of move up to tarantulas.”

In the same interview with the BBC’s Yalda Hakim, Jolie commented on her divorce from Brad Pitt, calling it “a difficult time.” At least it’s comforting to see the kids enjoying an exotic meal together.

Now who wants to call out for a pizza instead?

H/T People

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It's Time For World Leaders To Put Trump's America 'On Notice'

HONG KONG ― The list of countries and international institutions the new U.S. president and his cabinet have affronted in just three weeks ― China, Germany, Mexico, Australia, France, Iran, the United Nations, the European Union and others ― should indicate how far this administration is willing to go in talking tough with the rest of the world. In response, the world should now get tough with America, and let it know that the global majority will no longer be pushed around.

The protests in London Monday against the British government’s decision to offer U.S. President Donald Trump a full state visit should put the U.S. “on notice” that people around the world are not going to stand by and allow their governments to give America a free pass despite its unacceptable actions. Governments around the world should be emboldened and no longer fearful of standing up to America ― unlike the U.K. government, which has once again ignored the voice of the people (remember Iraq war).

Despite the talk about America’s soft power, it has acted more like a bully in the international arena. Trump is simply the most recent and overt face of that. Do not forget that his immediate Republican predecessor, George W. Bush, with great arrogance and ignorance, unleashed a catastrophe in the Middle East. The 2003 invasion of Iraq continues to destabilize the region almost 14 years later.

This bullying is a natural byproduct of American politics. Trump’s Republican colleagues acted little better during the campaign or during confirmation hearings for his nominees. Senator Ted Cruz, during the primaries, talked about bombing the so-called Islamic State “back to the Stone Age,” despite the potential for collateral damage to innocent people. Nor is this purely an issue with Republicans. Even former President Barack Obama, a decent man who could view America’s experience with a measure of humility, still launched a destabilizing intervention in Libya, tacitly supported a bloody Saudi intervention in Yemen and relied on a program of targeted drone strikes around the world ― a program now in Trump’s hands. 

If the U.S. moves its embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, U.N. members should threaten to move the headquarters out of New York.

The outrage around Trump’s comment on Fox News that the U.S. was not “so innocent” is an example of how American exceptionalism has distorted any reasonable conversation in the U.S. You can disagree with the political point he was trying to make, but the idea that the U.S. has influenced elections, invaded countries and killed people should not be controversial. It’s a known fact and certainly a view that the rest of the world holds.

But the implication that America isn’t “innocent” was perhaps the only comment to unite both the American right and left in their criticism of Trump: a collective denial at the heart of its distortion of the facts of history. Even liberal media outlets leading the anti-Trump campaign could not bring themselves to say that, for once, he had spoken the truth.

This behavior has been emboldened because the U.S. has, for far too long, gotten a free pass from the rest of the world. The Iraq war was a catastrophe, but it was one the world largely forgave as soon as Bush left office. America’s main allies, especially NATO member states and others like Japan, have played a key part in perpetuating this and thereby doing a disservice to the U.S. 

If a Muslim ban is reimposed, politicians, businessmen, athletes and academics should refuse to attend events on American soil.

It’s time the world revoked this free pass through tough talk, civic action and political sanctions in a coalition of the mindful. Given the myriad ways the U.S. could use its power and privileges to upend international politics, the world should be specific: sanctions will be imposed because of a specific policy and will only be revoked when the policy is repealed.

For example, if the U.S. really does tear up the nuclear deal with Iran and impose new sanctions unilaterally, Europe and China should refuse to follow suit. Other countries should be free to trade with Iran based on their national interests, and the international community should stand together on this.

If the U.S. decides to withdraw from the Paris climate change agreement, the rest of the world, led by China and the EU, must continue without it. If the U.S. really does move its embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, members of the U.N. should threaten to move the headquarters out of New York ― or at least host September’s General Assembly in a different city. At a minimum, diplomats should shun Trump’s speech.

Imagine if top tennis players boycotted the U.S. Open, like cricket and rugby players did with tournaments in apartheid South Africa.

If the U.S. really does try to reimpose the travel ban on people from a few Muslim-majority countries, the world’s politicians, businessmen, athletes and academics should refuse to attend conferences and events on American soil. Global events should look for locations outside the U.S. If the U.S. really does place substantial tariffs on Mexico or China to further its own domestic political aims, the world should consider alternatives to the dollar as the world’s reserve currency.

These sanctions are provocative. However, Western countries, led by the U.S., have long believed that these sanctions — economic, political or social, either by governments or societies — can change a government’s behavior, even if they harm ordinary people. At the very least, it is a statement that a country’s actions are beyond the pale. The world has tried these tactics before ― against apartheid in South Africa, for example. Imagine if top tennis players boycotted the U.S. Open, like cricket and rugby players did with tournaments in apartheid South Africa.

American politicians and diplomats need to be sent a message that, as much as the world needs and wants a strong and stable U.S. playing its rightful role, the U.S. needs the support of the rest of the world just as much, if not more. If push comes to shove, the world can and must construct a new world order that does not treat the U.S. as the first among equals.

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