11 Times Chris Pratt Was The Most Hilarious And Adorable Dad On This Planet

Chris Pratt knows the highs and lows of fatherhood all too well. His 4-year-old son, Jack, was born nine weeks early and spent the beginning of his life in the NICU.

But today he is a happy and healthy little boy, who brings a lot of joy and laughter to his dad’s world. 

In honor of Pratt’s 38th birthday today, we’ve rounded up some of our favorite parenting moments from the actor. Keep scrolling for some “lols” and “awws.”

When he and Jack were the cutest father-son duo at a local parade

Pratt and his son stole the show at the Seafair Torchlight Parade in Seattle last year.

When he and his wife got competitive about bedtime stories

“I’ll read the left page, and she’ll read the right page. And I start affecting a little accent for the character, and then she’s like, ‘Oh!’ And she then starts gesticulating and laughing, and before long, it’s like we’re completely not even paying attention to whether or not he’s even [paying attention]. We’re so competitive with one another, it’s like ‘I’m calling in my hair and makeup team. I’ve got my costume!’”

When he taught Jack how to fish

“This kid will be my partner in the bass masters pro am when he’s old enough. We’ll take the bass fishing world by storm,” he captioned a sweet Instagram video. 

When he made an emotional speech about having a preemie

“I’ve done all kinds of cool things as an actor. I’ve jumped out of helicopters and done some daring stunts and played baseball in a professional stadium, but none of it means anything compared to being somebody’s daddy,” Pratt said in his speech at the March of Dimes Celebration of Babies in 2014. 

Reflecting on his son’s time in the NICU, he recalled, “I made promises in that moment about what kind of dad I wanted to be and I just prayed that he’d live long enough that I could keep them.”

When he talked about his unusually polite toddler

“It’s super frustrating because you’re like, ‘Alright, now. Jack, I think it’s time for bed,’ and he’ll say, ‘Hm, I thought about it and no thanks, Dad, not right now,’ and I’m like, ‘He’s so polite! What am I supposed to do?’” Pratt said on “The Ellen DeGeneres Show.” 

When his son was totally trolling him

Pratt told Jimmy Fallon about his son’s visit to Universal Studios. “He came home the other day and he was like, ‘Dad, I met the real Jurassic World guy.’ I was like, ‘That guy?! No!’”

Pratt said the same thing happened when Jack went to Legoland and saw the real Emmet from “The Lego Movie.” 

“I think he knows,” the actor joked. “I think he’s just being mean.”

When he explained his thoughts on family photos on social media

“Those are those little snapshots into our life,” he said in an interview with Yahoo. “It’s really cool. Those types of moments are the most meaningful. It’s the little tiny life things. Being able to see that moment forces me to remember that that is the moment I’m teaching my son to tie his tie. So much of this stuff that we do, you’re never really present. You’re focusing on the next thing.”

When he set an example of giving back

Pratt often visits Children’s Hospitals and hospital NICUs to meet with patients.

When he looked back on his son’s first months.

“We were scared for a long time. We prayed a lot. It restored my faith in God, not that it needed to be restored, but it really redefined it. The baby was so beautiful to us, and I look back at the photos of him and it must have been jarring for other people to come in and see him, but to us he was so beautiful and perfect.”

When he struggled to discipline his son

“I take him into the other room, take a chair, face it into the corner and say, ‘You’re in a time-out. Now I want you to sit here and think,’” Pratt told Conan while describing his response to a dinnertime tantrum. But as he and his wife continued eating, they noticed that the toddler seemed perfectly at ease, Pratt added, doing a hilarious impression of his son’s content face.

“I was like, ’I don’t think this seems like punishment to him.’” 

When he learned the use for babies

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U.S. Supreme Court Ruling Threatens Massive Talc Litigation Against J&J

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<span class="articleLocation”>Johnson & Johnson is seizing upon a U.S. Supreme Court ruling from Monday limiting where injury lawsuits can be filed to fight off claims it failed to warn women that talcum powder could cause ovarian cancer.

New Jersey-based J&J has been battling a series of lawsuits over its talc-based products, including Johnson’s Baby Powder, brought by around 5,950 women and their families. The company denies any link between talc and cancer.

A fifth of the plaintiffs have cases pending in state court in St. Louis, where juries in four trials have hit J&J and a talc supplier with $307 million in verdicts. Those four cases and most of the others on the St. Louis docket involve out-of-state plaintiffs suing an out-of-state company.

On Monday, the Supreme Court ruled 8-1 in a case involving Bristol-Myers Squibb Co that state courts cannot hear claims against companies that are not based in the state when the alleged injuries did not occur there.

The ruling immediately led a St. Louis judge at J&J’s urging to declare a mistrial in the latest talc case, in which two of the three women at issue were from out of state. It also could imperil prior verdicts and cases that have yet to go to trial.

“We believe the recent U.S. Supreme Court ruling on the Bristol-Myers Squibb matter requires reversal of the talc cases that are currently under appeal in St. Louis,” J&J said in a statement.

The question of where such lawsuits can be filed has been the subject of fierce debate.

The business community has argued plaintiffs should not be allowed to shop around for the most favorable court to bring lawsuits, while injured parties claim corporations are trying to deny them access to justice.

Along with talc cases, large-scale litigation alleging injuries from Bayer AG’s Essure birth control device in Missouri and California and GlaxoSmithKline’s antidepressant Paxil in California and Illinois are examples of other cases where defendants could utilize the Supreme Court decision.

Although he declared a mistrial on Monday, St. Louis Circuit Judge Rex Burlison left the door open for the plaintiffs to argue they still have jurisdiction.

Plaintiffs lawyer Ted Meadows said he would argue the St. Louis court still had jurisdiction based on a Missouri-based bottler J&J used to package its talc products, which he said would create a sufficient connection to the state.

“It’s very disappointing to mistry a case because the Supreme Court changed the rules on us,” said Meadows.

The lawsuit decided by the high court on Monday involved claims against Bristol-Myers and California-based drug distributor McKesson Corp by 86 California residents and 575 non-Californians over the blood thinner Plavix.

Beyond Monday’s mistrial, the Supreme Court’s ruling could bolster a pending appeal by J&J of a $72 million verdict in favor of the family of Alabama resident Jacqueline Fox, who died in 2015. A Missouri appeals court had said in May it would wait until the Supreme Court issued its decision to decide the appeal.

J&J has won only one of the five trials so far in Missouri. It previously sought to move talc cases out of St. Louis, but the Missouri Supreme Court in January denied its bid.

The company has also cast the St. Louis court as overly plaintiff-friendly and has allowed evidence linking talc to cancer that was rejected by a New Jersey state court judge overseeing over 200 talc cases. The plaintiffs are appealing.

The talc verdicts against J&J led the business-friendly American Tort Reform Association last year to declare the St. Louis state court the nation’s top “Judicial Hellhole.”

Now J&J could try to use the Supreme Court ruling to dismiss many of the cases it faces in Missouri, according to legal experts.

Corporations facing a large volume of cases in venues chosen by plaintiffs will likely cite the Supreme Court to try to dismiss those claims, said Rusty Perdew, a defense lawyer at the law firm Locke Lord.

“You have a bunch of defendants who can go back and say, ‘Judge, you got that wrong and you’re going to have to dismiss claims by all those plaintiffs,’” he said.

(This story was corrected to show that Perdew was speaking about corporations in general, not J&J, in next-to-last paragraph.)

 

(Reporting by Nate Raymond in Boston; Editing by Tom Brown and Bill Trott)

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EPA Chief Spent First Weeks Courting Fossil Fuel Execs, Exposing 'Fatal Flaw' At Agency

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One month after taking office, Environmental Protection Agency chief Scott Pruitt hosted BP’s U.S. chairman at his office to discuss issues the company “works with” the agency on. The next day, Pruitt met with two top executives from Chevron Corporation to discuss “regulatory reform.” The day after that, he spent two hours mingling with 45 CEOs from oil and gas companies at the Trump International Hotel in Washington, D.C.

It’s not unusual for the nation’s top environmental regulator to meet with leaders of some of the industries he or she regulates. But Pruitt, who came into the agency with a reputation for siding with fossil fuel interests, has virtually ignored conservation and public health advocates, according to calendars released under the Freedom of Information Act and first reported by E&E News.

Pruitt’s calendars show far fewer meetings with environmental and public health advocates. On Earth Day, the agency issued a press release feting the “great natural resources that the United States is blessed with” and touting a meeting with The Nature Conservancy and the National Audubon Society. A church, an interfaith group and the Indiana chapter of the NAACP were also included on a list of 25 organizations Pruitt met with that an EPA spokeswoman provided to HuffPost.  

That lopsided courting of fossil fuel executives lays bare a major shift in how the agency is operating, former EPA officials told HuffPost. It also demonstrates what one legal scholar described as the “fatal flaw” in administrative law that allows an industry-friendly agency boss to buddy up to polluters with little oversight.

“It’s not surprising,” Liz Purchia, who left her post as the EPA’s communications director under President Barack Obama in January, told HuffPost. “It’s confirming everything that people who opposed Scott Pruitt all had expected.”

Pruitt spent his six years as Oklahoma’s attorney general suing the EPA to block environmental regulations more than a dozen times, often at the behest of big oil and gas firms. In 2011, he allowed Oklahoma’s biggest natural gas driller to write a complaint to the EPA on his letterhead, which he then signed and sent as his own with few changes.

Thousands of emails released just before Pruitt’s confirmation as the EPA’s 14th administrator revealed a deep, chummy alliance with oil, gas and utility companies forged during his years as Oklahoma’s attorney general. His administration would amount to a “fox guarding the henhouse,” League of Conservation Voters President Gene Karpinski warned in January.

Pruitt battled the Obama EPA’s power plant rules on lawyerly technicalities, arguing that the agency had overstepped its regulatory authority and insisting that any need to curb global warming was beside the point. He is similarly operating within the bounds of the law now, legal scholars said.

Agency chiefs are allowed to seek outside counsel through federal advisory committees, which must report their meetings to the public under federal law. The EPA has 23 committees, including a financial advisory board, scientific counselors and a council devoted to the Great Lakes.

On Tuesday, Pruitt cleared the way to stack the EPA’s Board of Scientific Counselors with allies after he dismissed dozens of advisers, according to The Washington Post.

But agency law gives Pruitt the right to seek counsel from anyone, as long as his meetings clear a low legal bar: If Pruitt isn’t meeting exclusively with one person or industry, he’s free to do as he wants ― provided he maintains what critics see as a fig leaf in groups like The Nature Conservancy and Audubon.

“That’s the fatal flaw in this legal regime,” Sid Shapiro, the Fletcher chair of administrative law at the Wake Forest University School of Law, told HuffPost. “On the one hand, we want agencies to reach out and become more informed about issues and policies. But on the other hand, we’ve left them able to meet with a very selected group of people without any kind of legal remedy to those that might object.”

Pruitt’s not just meeting with oil and gas executives. Lynn Good, chief executive of the utility giant Duke Energy, requested time with Pruitt to spell out her “policy priorities,” and got 45 minutes on March 9.

Bob Murray, the bombastic coal baron who sued the EPA, booked two 30-minute meetings with Pruitt on March 28 and 29, though the topic of the meetings was not specified on the calendar. The first meeting took place the day after President Donald Trump signed an executive order instructing Pruitt to review the Obama administration’s signature policy to curb greenhouse gas emissions from power plants ― which Murray blamed last year for “virtually destroying” the coal industry.

The Trump administration hasn’t been shy about courting the fossil fuel industry. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson spent the previous 40 years of his career at Exxon Mobil Corp., including the last nine as its chief executive. Interior Secretary Ryan Zinke spoke in March at the same American Petroleum Institute confab at the Trump International Hotel that Pruitt attended. The White House issued an executive order overturning bans on oil exploration off the Arctic and Atlantic coasts, iced out funding for energy efficiency and climate programs in its proposed budget and axed rules requiring drillers to report methane pollution.

“We’d try to always have a balance,” Stan Meiburg, a former acting deputy EPA administrator who spent 39 years at the agency before retiring in January, told HuffPost. “At least the appearance of balance.”  

For years, Republicans lambasted the Obama administration for “picking winners and losers” by bolstering renewable energy like wind and solar to curb planet-warming emissions. By sidling up to fossil fuel companies, the Trump administration is raising new red flags that it is giving favor to heavily polluting industries, said Jordan Libowitz, a spokesman for Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington, a watchdog group.

“What is a concern is who’s getting the access,” Libowitz told HuffPost. “Is access to secretaries being offered out to everyone on that level, or is it just certain people? If it’s just certain people, that raises a question as to why.”

We’d try to always have a balance. At least the appearance of balance.
Stan Meiburg, former acting deputy EPA administrator.

Now Pruitt is poised to name a deputy with the knowhow and experience to further cement his legal standing. He plans to nominate Jeff Holmstead, a long-time coal and oil lobbyist registered with the EPA, as his No. 2 sometime soon, Axios reported Monday.

A partner at the corporate law titan Bracewell LLP, Holmstead served as assistant EPA administrator under President George W. Bush. During his tenure, the agency weakened environmental rules and attacked scientists, becoming “less independent than its predecessors and more closely tied to the White House’s ideology,” according to the educational nonprofit American Chemical Society.

If confirmed, Holmstead could help Pruitt stave off a bevy of legal challenges from environmental groups fighting his deregulatory agenda.

“Holmstead will probably understand that some of what they’re trying to do won’t pass legal muster,” Eric Schaeffer, executive director of the nonpartisan Environmental Integrity Project, told HuffPost. “But you’ll have bought the industry years of delay, which is the game in Washington.”

Holmstead, whose auto-reply email said he is on vacation rafting in the Grand Canyon, did not respond to a request for comment.

Unlike previous administrations, this White House seems unconcerned with courting critics in environmental circles, Schaeffer said. For now, the best environmental advocates can do is wait and hope the next administration will work hard to rectify the damage done by this one.

“The agency is pretty much under occupation at this point,” Schaeffer said with a sigh. “I’m hoping there will be a strong political rebound and, once these guys are cleared out, that the agency will be in a stronger position than before they came.”

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Drugmaker Mylan Gets Tax Boost From Refined Coal

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NEW YORK, June 21 (Reuters) – Mylan N.V. is best known for producing EpiPen emergency allergy treatments and generic drugs.

But a non-pharmaceutical offering – refined coal – has quietly generated hundreds of millions of dollars of tax credits for the company over the last six years that have boosted its bottom line, according to a Reuters review of company filings.

Since 2011, Mylan has bought 99 percent stakes in five companies across the U.S. that own plants which process coal to reduce smog-causing emissions. It then sells the coal at a loss to power plants to generate the real benefit for the drug company: credits that allow Mylan to lower its own tax bill.

These refined coal credits were approved by Congress in 2004 in order to incentivize companies to fund production of cleaner coal. They are available to any company that is willing to invest the capital, and are set to expire after 2021.

Mylan is one of only a few public companies, and the only publicly-traded pharmaceutical maker, that uses these tax credits, a Reuters review of a comprehensive database of filings with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission found. It is possible other companies receive an immaterial amount of the tax credits and decline to disclose them.

Future tax credits could prove valuable to Mylan, which has seen sales of its flagship EpiPen allergy treatment sag after consumer outrage over the allergy treatment’s $600 list price. The pricing issue, which has drawn scrutiny from members of Congress and the U.S. Department of Justice, and Chairman Robert Coury’s nearly $100 million pay package last year have caused a group of investors to launch an effort to vote down the company’s board at its annual meeting on Thursday.

Mylan already carries a low tax rate after moving its headquarters overseas in 2015. The coal credits helped the company lower its effective tax rate further, to just over four percent in 2014 and 7.4 percent in 2015. Last year, the company actually had a tax benefit of $358 million, giving it an effective tax rate of negative 294 percent.

Mylan confirmed Reuters’ calculations based on figures in the tax footnotes in the company’s annual reports. According to these calculations, Mylan used more than $100 million of “clean energy and research” tax credits in both 2016 and 2015, and around $95 million in 2014.

A person familiar with the matter told Reuters these coal operations have increased Mylan’s net earnings by around $40 million to $50 million in each of the past two years. That accounts for around 9 percent of the company’s earnings last year and more than 5 percent of its 2015 earnings.

Mylan has disclosed very little about the tax credit strategy or its coal refining operations. It did not announce the coal deals when they occurred or disclose how much they cost. Mylan has not discussed them on its earnings conference calls and does not disclose exactly how much in tax credits they generate or what effect they are having on its bottom line.

Wells Fargo analyst David Maris, who has a market perform rating on the company, said he believes that, from an investor standpoint, the coal transactions adds unnecessary complexity.

“The average investor looking at their financial statements or their press releases, would have no idea what this is or how it flows through to their profit and loss statement,” he said. 

“BEING MINDFUL OF TAX PLANNING”

Mylan refers to losses and interest expense generated by its “clean energy investments,” as well as the fact that they qualify for tax credits, in tables and footnotes at the bottom of its earnings releases. In filings with regulators, it discloses some risks around the investments, their carrying value, and liabilities related to the investments.

“It does sound like they are being mindful of tax planning,” said Lisa De Simone, professor of accounting at Stanford Graduate School of Business. “From the perspective of shareholder value, companies have all of the incentive in the world to try to reduce their tax payments, to increase net income and increase distributions to shareholders.”

Mylan spokeswoman Nina Devlin said in an emailed statement that the tax credits are available to any interested company, and often “made outside of a company’s ordinary course of business, and companies involved in such projects range across a variety of non-energy related sectors.”

Other companies Reuters found that take the credits include insurance brokerage and risk management services firm Arthur J Gallagher, Waste Management Inc and industrial supply company WW Grainger. The companies vary in their level of disclosure of the investments, but some disclose the number of tax credits they receive from the facilities.

Devlin added that the health company recognizes that the production at the refined coal facilities will no longer be eligible for a tax credit beginning in 2022. “Nonetheless, on an ongoing basis, we consider appropriate opportunities for tax planning with respect to our global operations,” she added.

New York City Comptroller Scott Stringer spoke out against the tax strategy when informed about it by Reuters. Stringer, who is leading the effort to vote down Mylan’s current board, oversees New York City pensions that together own more than 1.1 million shares of Mylan stock.

“From the EpiPen pricing debacle to embracing complex tax avoidance strategies, Mylan’s board appears more focused on financial engineering than on the company’s core business,” he said. 

COAL INTEREST DATES TO 2011

Mylan made the first investment in the coal producing plants in 2011, and expanded its total holdings to 5 plants by 2014.

Mylan Chief Executive Heather Bresch, who has led the company since 2012, has coal country roots: she is the daughter of U.S. Senator Joe Manchin of West Virginia, the second largest coal-producing state in the country. The company declined to discuss the origin of why it adopted the tax strategy.

Mylan says in its last two annual reports that its holdings are equity method investments in five limited liability corporations that own refined coal production plants, but does not name them.

Reuters was able to identify these operations by reviewing lists of the company’s subsidiaries included with its annual reports. Mylan has 99 percent stakes in 5 LLCs that own refined coal plants: Canton Fuels Company in Illinois, Chouteau Fuels Company in Oklahoma, Deogun Manufacturing Company in Utah, Marquis Industrial Company in Indiana and Powder Street LLC in West Virginia.

Mylan is booking losses from the plants, which is not unusual for these facilities. The companies often pay a middleman who manages the coal production facilities as well as other costs.

Mylan recorded pre-tax losses of $92.3 million in 2016, $93.2 million in 2015 and $78.9 million in 2014 from the operations. The loss generated by the coal plants, as well as depreciation, is tax deductible, according to tax experts.

But the tax credits generated by the facilities are extremely valuable. Last year, companies received $6.81 in tax credits for every ton of refined coal produced. Mylan produced around 16 million tons of refined coal last year, according to a person familiar with the matter.

According to the same person, expenses – including costs paid for the assets and adjusted for tax deductions – equate to around 60 percent of the gross credits earned. (Editing by Caroline Humer and Edward Tobin)

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Teacher Reads Children's Book Aloud And Realizes It's Her Own Love Story

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You could say preschool teacher Melanie Goldsmith’s marriage proposal was a real page-turner.

In November, Goldsmith was reading a book aloud as part of an exercise at a teachers’ meeting at CSUN Lab School in Northridge, California where she works. She quickly realized it wasn’t just any old story but rather a retelling of her love story with her boyfriend of five years Eric Hernandez, who had spent months writing, illustrating and formatting the story of their relationship into a children’s book. 

Almost instantly, Goldsmith realized what was happening and began to get choked up. So she passed the book off to one of her coworkers to continue reading. 

“She did catch on a little earlier than expected,” Hernandez told Inside Edition. “As soon as she saw the first page, she started putting together what was going on.” 

After her colleague read the sentence, “She was so surprised to learn the book was all about them, but she was even more surprised when she saw Chris walk in,” Hernandez entered the room right on cue. 

“Without her knowing, I was in the other room waiting for the right moment of the story to enter and take over reading the story,“ Hernandez explained on their wedding website. “Of course the story ultimately ended with me asking if she would marry me, and most fortunately, she said yes.”

Now the couple is set to wed on July 2. We can’t wait to see how the rest of their storybook romance unfolds. 

HuffPost reached out to the couple for comment but had not heard back at the time of publication. This story may be updated. 

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The 395 Kids Philando Castile Left Behind

It was a few weeks after his death in July 2016 when Sakki Selznick learned that her daughter had been giving imaginary high-fives to Philando Castile.

Castile ― or Mr. Phil, as students at J.J. Hill Montessori Magnet School would call him ― often greeted students with high-fives while they waited on line to get breakfast in the cafeteria. Now that Mr. Phil was gone, Selznick’s young daughter worried she’d never get one of his famous high-fives again. One evening, she explained, she was thinking about it and she’d started high-fiving the air, hoping Mr. Phil would respond somehow.

A magical high-five didn’t arrive. Through tears, Selznick explained to her daughter that she would not be getting one.

Jeronimo Yanez, at the time a St. Anthony police officer, shot and killed Castile last summer during a traffic stop. Castile, 32, left behind not only a girlfriend and her daughter, a mother and a family, colleagues and friends, but also 395 adoring students at the Saint Paul, Minnesota, elementary school where he worked.

The students have spent the past year mourning Castile, a loss that was felt anew last week with the news that Yanez had been acquitted of any wrongdoing.

Now that Castile’s killer has been found not guilty, the young children are grappling with another uncomfortable truth: The justice system doesn’t always deliver justice.

In a country where many schools are segregated by race and class, J.J. Hill is a small bastion of diversity, a Montessori school that draws from surrounding progressive neighborhoods. About 47 percent of the students are Asian, black or Hispanic, with a number of Somalian and Hmong immigrants. The rest of the students are white. For the most part, everyone gets along, parents say. The fact that this harmonious racial coexistence does not extend beyond the school’s four walls is a reality students had to confront when a cop killed their nutrition services supervisor last summer.

For some white families, it was surprising that an incident of stark police brutality could happen to someone in their circle. The shock mobilized them to action via protests and petitions. For some black families, the reality of police violence was something for which they had long prepared their children.

But the fact that it happened to Mr. Phil ― a man whom parents describe as exceedingly gentle and unfailingly kind, a man who did everything “right” ― was something no one could have prepared for.

Selznick, who is white, previously lived in an all-black neighborhood in Los Angeles. She says she isn’t naive about the harsh facts of police brutality. But when a jury found Yanez not guilty of second-degree manslaughter last week, she felt like she had been tricked into the idea that there would be some sense of justice. Earlier reports of a deadlocked jury had given her hope. I got snookered,” she said.

When Selznick’s 10-year-old daughter learned of the verdict, she seemed overwhelmed. She said she could no longer remember Mr. Phil’s face. Selznick’s 16-year-old son, who also knew Castile, almost put a hole through the wall in anger.

They’re right at the age where they believe there will be social justice,” Selznick said. “That’s a lie.”

Zuki Ellis’ son, entering fourth grade, isn’t likely to forget about Castile’s death any time soon. Ellis is black. She’s never tried to conceal from her son the realities of racism or police brutality. But this was the first time anything had happened to someone so close.

“He has the same question a lot of us have: How does something so awful happen and no one is accountable for that?” Ellis said. “How do you kill Mr. Phil and nothing happens?”

They’re right at the age where they believe there will be social justice. That’s a lie.
Sakki Selznick

This year, when kids at J.J. Hill had to face school without Mr. Phil, regardless of their race, some students emerged from the experience as changed individuals.

Tony Fragnito, a small business owner who is involved in local politics, says his two boys, one going into third grade and one into fourth, were noticeably different. They were more somber and had less energy when they got home from school. Then, in November, the election happened, building on the trauma of Castile’s death. After Donald Trump won, Fragnito’s younger son packed a suitcase and said he was moving to Canada with his Somali friends from school because “it’s not safe for them anymore.”

Andrew Karre, a children’s book editor, recalled that when his 9-year-old son found out about Castile’s death, he asked a simple but difficult-to-answer question: “Why was the police officer scared?” Karre’s son followed Yanez’s trial on public radio. When the verdict was announced, the family headed down to the Capitol to protest. Given the facts of the case, Karre said, his son was troubled by the outcome. 

John Horton, a teacher at J.J. Hill who also has two kids enrolled, said Castile’s death would often come up in class. The children drew connections to Castile when learning about civil rights issues. They tried to make sense of Castile’s death in relation to a larger context of injustice. But for many, he said, it still seemed senseless.

I think a lot of the adults are still trying to work through it, and the kids see this,” Horton said. “They see the instability and the not understanding from the adult side.”

The school has mostly dealt with the grief head-on. Teachers got special training, and counselors were available for therapy throughout the year. A handful of teachers sported pins with Castile’s face on them. There is a bench in his honor, and a tree in his name.  

But some parents are still struggling to provide answers to questions they can’t figure out themselves.

“It has been a hard year,” Ellis said. “I don’t imagine the next year will be easier.”

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Why Fertility Treatments Are So Out Of Reach For Most Americans

Much has been made of the high cost of rearing children in the United States, and rightly so. Families spend more than $230,000 on average to raise kids from birth to age 17 — a figure that doesn’t include the cost of college. 

But for the 6.9 million women who have turned to fertility services, the bills pile up well before they ever hold a baby in their arms. A single cycle of in vitro fertilization, or IVF, costs more than $12,000 on average in the United States, not counting the cost of medications and travel.

Only 15 states require insurance coverage for fertility treatments. So for many would-be parents, IVF is simply out of reach.

Against that backdrop, the Sher Institute — a network of nine private fertility centers across the country — has run a popular but controversial free IVF contest for the past five years. The institute encourages people who couldn’t otherwise afford IVF to vie for two free rounds by submitting personal and often extremely emotional video pleas about their quest to have a baby.

The contest has been slammed as a manipulative publicity maneuver ― and defended as a necessary response to a reality in which only the very privileged can afford fertility treatment. 

Documentary filmmaker Amanda Micheli dove into the controversy in her documentary “Vegas Baby” (now available online and playing in select theaters around the country). A trailer for the film can be seen above.

HuffPost asked Micheli about the emotional and financial cost of fertility treatment and the ethics of a contest that asks people to put their private stories up for a vote for a shot at becoming parents. Here’s what she had to say.

Why make a movie about infertility?

Unfortunately, I came to the subject matter through my own personal infertility experience. My husband and I have struggled with infertility for the last three years, during which he was diagnosed with testicular cancer.

We thought that IVF would be a really great solution to our problem, but it hasn’t really worked for us. We’ve done three rounds, and still no baby. After our first round of IVF failed, and I had spent my life’s savings on this, I was researching financing options and came across an article about this contest online.

But in general, I was surprised by my own ignorance about reproductive medicine. I wanted a way to tell more stories, and share more voices. 

 Why do you think these couples ― who all submitted personal videos in the hopes of getting free IVF ― were willing to open up about such a private process?

We talked to all 10 of the finalists, and there were definitely one or two people who were not open to us filming at all, but most of the people really wanted to share their story. This is a community that’s dying to raise awareness about the challenges they face. 

I think it would be great if insurance would cover IVF for all Americans to a limited extent.

This contest is obviously controversial. On the one hand, you have women and couples saying they depend on it, that it’s their only chance. On the other hand, there’s the criticism that it’s an exploitive marketing ploy. Is it unethical?

I don’t know many people who are totally comfortable with the idea of this contest, and that’s part of what drew me to it in the first place. But to me, the more interesting question is, “What’s going on in our society right now that allows this contest to exist ― and flourish?” 

I think it would be great if insurance would cover IVF for all Americans to a limited extent. I don’t think trying it over and over and over again is good for anyone, or for our health care system, and I can understand why insurers would see IVF as a risky game to get into, but people need help. I think if individuals ask their employers to add fertility coverage to their insurance plans, that might be a great place to start.

There’s a lot of judgment about a contest like this, and around infertility in general. There’s this idea of, “What’s wrong with these people? Why don’t they just adopt?” That feels very misinformed to me. Adoption is a beautiful way to build a family, but when you’re starting with a medical diagnosis [of infertility], it’s not necessarily the first place you go to. 

This conversation has been edited and condensed. 

IVFML is a HuffPost Podcast hosted by Anna Almendrala and Simon Ganz and produced by Nick Offenberg. Send us an email at IVFML@huffpost.com.

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