Why The Rhetoric Used To Question Comey Sounded So Familiar To Women

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On Thursday morning, former FBI Director James Comey testified about his interactions with President Trump at great length in front of the Senate Intelligence Committee. As tough and pointed questions were asked of him by the senators on the committee, some Twitter users who were watching the testimony on TV noticed a parallel: The tenor of the questions that some senators asked ― as well as Comey’s responses ― sounded eerily like the back and forth many victims of sexual harassment, sexual assault and domestic violence are subjected to. 

Throughout the course of his 2+ hour testimony, Comey was asked why he didn’t stop President Trump from making inappropriate comments (“You’re big. You’re strong…There is a certain amount of intimidation. But why didn’t you stop and say, Mr. President, this is wrong. I cannot discuss this with you.”); why he didn’t report the comments (”Did you tell the White House counsel it’s not an appropriate request? Someone needs to tell the president he can’t do these things.”); why he continued to take the president’s calls even after asking not to be left alone with the president (”You said…I don’t want to be in the room with him alone again, but you continued to talk to him on the phone. What is the difference in being in the room alone with him and talking to him on the phone alone?”); whether he found it odd that Trump asked him to have dinner one-on-one (”How unusual is it to have a one-on-one dinner with the president? Did that strike you as odd?”); whether he initiated the dinner (”Did you in any way initiate that dinner?”); and whether the President of the United States saying that he “hopes” something occurs is akin to giving a directive (”You may have taken it as a direction but that’s not what he said.”).

Women on Twitter took notice of the rhetorical devices at play in these particular exchanges as well as the testimony as a whole, because those devices felt… familiar.

There are, of course, crucial differences in these situations: James Comey was not sexually harassed or assaulted by President Trump. It’s not unreasonable for a senator to question the way the FBI Director responded to the President of the United States or whether he found a particular action to be odd. FBI Director Comey was in a significant position of power ― a position that most survivors of assault and harassment are not in. And the trauma a victim of sexual violence, harassment or abuse experiences when their narrative and motives are questioned by an authority figure is not the same as what Comey experienced testifying under oath. 

The reaction to a woman who says her superior sexually harassed her and the reaction to a man who says the president asked him to drop an FBI investigation are only similar insofar as they both activate entrenched power structures that are designed to protect the most powerful among us. This is the larger truth that the reaction on Twitter speaks to ― a truth that most women are forced to learn over the course of their lives.

Women inherently understand the thorny implications of being left alone in a room with a powerful man. We know that if we accuse that powerful man of wrongdoing, sexual or otherwise, our motives are likely to be questioned, and the blame will likely be shifted onto us rather than the alleged abuser. As my colleague Chloe Angyal pointed out on Twitter Thursday, crimes like sexual assault and sexual harassment are about power more than sex ― as are attempts to discredit the victims of these crimes.

The reaction to a woman who says her superior sexually harassed her and the reaction to a man who says the president asked him to drop an FBI investigation are only similar insofar as they both activate entrenched power structures that are designed to protect the most powerful among us.

This reality is reflected when alleged victims of sexual harassment or assault are asked things like: Are you sure he meant that the way you interpreted it? Why did you agree to be alone with him? Why did you continue talking to him after the incident occurred? Why didn’t you report the incident earlier?

At their core, these lines of inquiry are designed to undercut the victim’s story, and to place the responsibility for what happened onto the victim’s shoulders rather than the aggressor’s. (If you want an example of these power structures at play within the context of workplace sexual harassment, take Anita Hill’s 1991 testimony to the Senate Judiciary Committee about Clarence Thomas.)

When power is asserted in inappropriate ways ― whether by a sleazy, run-of-the-mill boss or a President of the United States who is nervous about the “cloud” an investigation has cast over his administration ― the mechanisms at play to protect the more powerful party are ultimately the same.

This is why women, watching Comey be questioned by a panel of powerful men and a few select powerful women, found the whole scenario so devastatingly familiar. When a power structure springs into action to protect itself, some form of victim-blaming will inevitably follow. The crimes or transgressions may be very different, but the lesson remains: Power protects power, and if you got hurt, well, didn’t you kind of bring that on yourself?

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An Apology Expert Analyzed Greg Gianforte's Letter To Ben Jacobs

Montana Republican Greg Gianforte, who was elected to Congress last month, issued a letter of apology on Wednesday for an incident in which he physically attacked Guardian journalist Ben Jacobs. 

“I had no right to respond the way I did to your legitimate question about health care policy. You were doing your job,” he wrote.

Gianforte is accused of body-slamming Jacobs after the reporter asked a question about health care policy. It was reported that Gianforte grabbed Jacobs by the neck and broke his glasses. Gianforte was charged for misdemeanor assault that evening and won Montana’s lone congressional seat the next morning.

Jacobs accepted the congressman-elect’s apology shortly after it was released. Gianforte is expected to appear in court on or before June 20. He faces a maximum punishment of six months in jail and a $500 fine for his behavior.

Experts agree that apologies, private and public alike, should contain several elements to be considered effective, according to Roy Lewicki, an apology expert and a professor emeritus of management and human resources at the Ohio State University’s Fisher College of Business. 

“The tone of the letter conveys a certain amount of sincerity and genuineness,” Lewicki said. “There’s multiple expressions of regret.”

What makes an apology effective

Research by Lewicki suggests that there are six elements to an effective apology. They are, in order of importance, an acknowledgement of responsibility; an offer of repair; an expression of regret; an explanation of what went wrong; a declaration of repentance and a request for forgiveness. The more elements an apology includes, the more likely the apology is to be accepted, Lewicki said.

Gianforte’s letter is well-rounded based on these standards. Lewicki, who has analyzed prior public apologies, reviewed what makes Gianforte’s note stand out. Below is the letter to Jacobs, re-typed, with annotations of where these apology elements come into play:

Dear Mr. Jacobs: 

I write to express my sincere apology for my conduct on the evening of May 24. My physical response to your legitimate question was unprofessional, unacceptable, and unlawful [acknowledgement of responsibility]. As both a candidate for office and a public official, I should be held to a high standard in my interactions with the press and the public [acknowledgement of responsibility]My treatment of you did not meet that standard [expression of regret].

Notwithstanding anyone’s statements to the contrary, you did not initiate any physical contact with me, and I had no right to assault you. I am sorry for what I did and the unwanted notoriety this has created for you [expression of regret]. I take full responsibility [acknowledgement of responsibility]

I understand the critical role that journalists and the media play in our society. Protections afforded to the press through the Constitution are fundamental to who we are as a nation and the way government is accountable to the people. I acknowledge that the media have an obligation to seek information. I also know that civility in our public discourse is central to a productive dialogue on issues. I had no right to respond the way I did to your legitimate question about healthcare policy [declaration of repentance]. You were doing your job. 

In the hope that perhaps some good news can come of these events, I am making a $50,000 contribution to the Committee To Protect Journalists, an independent non-profit organization that promotes press freedom and that protects the rights of journalists worldwide [offer of repair].

I made a mistake and humbly ask for your forgiveness [request for forgiveness]

Sincerely, 

Greg Gianforte

Gianforte’s apology repeatedly accepts responsibility and shows remorse over his actions. That matters, according to Lewicki.  

“One of the things we found in our research was that acknowledgements of responsibility were probably one of the most important components of an apology and he comes back to that several times,” Lewicki said.

Lewicki said Gianforte’s request to repair ― aka, the $50,000 donation to the Committee to Protect Journalists ― is somewhat remarkable and does a good job of expressing genuine concern. 

“That’s not chump change,” he said. 

How the apology is being received

Gianforte’s expression has received mixed results, from praise to criticism. Some believe the apology is genuine:

Others denounce the apology for glossing over the initial statement released by Shane Scanlon, a spokesperson for the Gianforte team. Immediately after the body-slamming incident, Scanlon blamed Jacobs for initiating the altercation. 

The apology letter says, “you did not initiate any physical contact with me,” but does not go into detail about the original effort to cover up what happened. 

But Lewicki says what’s more critical now is the apology Gianforte is making directly to Jacobs. However, one letter cannot determine if Gianforte is truly sorry. For that, Lewicki says time is the ultimate decider on whether the contrition sticks.

“You’ll have to look now at how Gianforte handles himself in the future,” he explained.

A solid apology is a good first step.

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Twitter to stream its first basic cable drama: TNT's 'Claws'

TNT is premiering its new drama “Claws” this Sunday, but if you miss the first showing on the network itself, you can catch an encore on Twitter.

TNT’s parent company, Turner, streamed TBS’ “Full Frontal with Samantha Bee’s Not the White House Corre…

Belkin Thunderbolt 3 Express Dock HD is now available

belkin-thunderbolt-express-dock-hdWhen it comes to accessorizing your MacBook Pro or iMac, there are plenty of accessories out there in the market for you to choose from. However, it is all too easy to be spoilt for choice, so if you are working with a limited budget, it would be far wiser to choose your battle, so to speak. Belkin has long been a trusted name when it comes to rolling out accessories for the computing workspace, and this time around it is no different, either, with the availability of the Belkin Thunderbolt 3 Express Dock HD.

The Belkin Thunderbolt 3 Express Dock HD is best described to be a single cable all-in-one docking solution, where it claims to offer 40 Gbps data transfer rates, dual 4K video support and 85 Watts of power delivery. In other words, this is the total single-cable docking solution that one would ever need, at least for the moment, in order to enjoy connectivity as well as power to the updated MacBook Pro or iMac. Just what kind of features does the Belkin Thunderbolt 3 Express Dock HD come ith?

For starters, you will be able to daisy-chain up to five Thunderbolt devices from the dock, now how about that? In terms of Thunderbolt 3 (USB-C) ports, there will be two of those, which will certainly come in handy. If you have plenty of USB 3.0 devices and accessories, the Belkin Thunderbolt 3 Express Dock HD is able to welcome three of those thanks to a trio of USB-A 3.0 ports that also offer 1.5A charging each. To round it all off, the Belkin Thunderbolt 3 Express Dock HD will also carry a single DisplayPort, one Audio In/Out port, one Audio Out port, and one Gigabit Ethernet port. It will be accompanied by a 170W power adapter that delivers enough power to support attached peripherals, all the while channeling 85W of power to your computer via included Thunderbolt 3 cable.

It might be rather pricey at first glance, but the Thunderbolt 3 Express Dock HD’s $349 price tag will certainly pay dividends many times over.

Press Release
[ Belkin Thunderbolt 3 Express Dock HD is now available copyright by Coolest Gadgets ]

Pokemon GO FEST event has Niantic’s biggest update ever

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This Is What Happens When Women Get Elected

NEW YORK ― With a state legislature made up 40 percent of women, Nevada is second only to Vermont in terms of female representation. And that translated into a landmark session for women’s rights and health this year, even under a male Republican governor.

Nevada lawmakers just wrapped up a state legislative session that delivered a startling number of progressive victories for women: tax-free tampons, a new $500,000 family planning program, workplace accommodations for pregnant women, and mandatory insurance coverage of contraception and mammograms.

“We started with some pushback from Republicans, but by the end of the session we had broad bipartisan support on a lot of these measures,” said state Sen. Julia Ratti (D), a freshman from Sparks. 

Ratti introduced a bill that codifies the women’s health protections in the Affordable Care Act into state law, so that if the Trump administration rolls any of them back, employers in Nevada will still be required to cover contraception, well-woman visits, breast exams and other preventive health services in their insurance plans at no out-of-pocket cost to their female employees. The bill also allows women to pick up a 12-month supply of birth control at once. Six Republicans joined Democrats in passing the measure, and Gov. Brian Sandoval (R) signed it. 

Nevada lawmakers also established the Nevada Pregnant Workers’ Fairness Act, introduced by state Sen. Nicole Cannizzaro (D), which requires employers to provide “reasonable accommodations” like breast pump rooms and a fair break schedule for pregnant employees. Legislators approved two bills introduced by state Sen. Pat Spearman (D) aimed at preventing stalkers and domestic abusers from possessing guns, and a bill eliminating sales tax on feminine hygiene products and diapers. And they established a state-funded family planning program to address a dearth of contraception access for low-income women in rural areas.

“I think the results speak for themselves,” said Vanessa Cardenas, a spokesperson for EMILY’s List, which helps elect Democratic women in Nevada and nationwide. “We have been able to identify women that really represent the communities that are sending them to office.”

EMILY’s List has been working to build and train a pipeline of female candidates in Nevada since 2014. The group recruited, trained, endorsed or financially supported the campaigns of 15 of the 18 Democratic women currently serving in the state legislature. “We have been able to identify women that really represent the communities that are sending them to office,” Cardenas said.  “We go in there early, work to identify women who have a passion for helping their communities, and then give them the tools to win.”

Women, despite making up more than half the population, are grossly underrepresented in politics. They make up less than 20 percent of Congress ― which often translates to rooms full of men making decisions that greatly affect women and women’s health.

Of course, female lawmakers have a range of policy interests and expertise beyond those that mainly pertain to women. Ratti, who plans to run for state Senate again, hopes to spend her second term focusing on economic inequality and the state’s “broken” property tax system, which is contributing to an affordable housing crisis. She said she focused on health care in her first term because Trump’s victory “shone a bright light” on the immediate need to protect access to women’s preventive health services. 

Ratti said her first few months in the state legislature have shown her why it’s “critical” to have more women at the table. 

“We bring a different perspective,” she said. “You get a broader range of ideas when you have diversity in the workplace.”

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Move Over 'Hamilton,' D.C. Just Debuted 'Trump'

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WASHINGTON ― Summer theater means different things in different parts of America. In the suburbs, it’s dinner theater. In New York, it’s Shakespeare in the Park. In New England, it’s summer stock.

In Washington, it’s gavel-to-gavel investigative hearings on Capitol Hill.

After a series of low-level tryouts, “Trump” opened big Thursday on D.C.’s version of Broadway ― a packed Senate hearing room ― with the earnest but venomous testimony of the former FBI director, James Comey.

Within minutes of being sworn in, he’d called the man who fired him, President Donald Trump, a congenital liar; accused the president of trying to pressure him into shutting down probes into possible campaign collusion with Russia; and hinted that, while Trump was not originally an investigative target, he might end up being one, if for no other reason than he may be obstructing justice.

The semicircle of senators in the Senate Intelligence Committee hearing room were largely in the background, framing the scene like the kicking chorus line in a boffo opening number.

They asked soft, obvious, or beside-the-point questions of a literally towering figure (he stands 6 foot 8), who is self-righteous and too clever for his own good, but who could and did easily make them look foolish when they meekly tried to nail him.

Meanwhile, across town, an uncharacteristically subdued Trump spoke to a roomful of Christian political conservatives, while keeping fingers away (for a few minutes) from his Twitter account. Without mentioning Comey, Russia, Senate hearings or special counsels, the president declared that he would fight and always win, and that America’s future was great.

No one expects this meek silence to continue, no matter how gravely Trump’s New York lawyer and friend, Marc Kasowitz, admonishes him.

No, this was just the opening scene of a many-act play that will unfold over coming months or even years, and that is now a permanent feature of the Trump years, however long they last.

It’s the way of Washington now. 

In the Clinton years, a real estate controversy called Whitewater morphed into the Lewinsky scandal, and then metastasized into an impeachment and trial. The whole process consumed seven years, during which Bill Clinton won election and re-election.

This time, there are five investigations underway about Russia’s interference in the 2016 presidential campaign, and whether Trump or what he calls his “satellites” knew about or colluded with efforts that U.S. intelligence officials have traced directly to Russian leader Vladimir Putin.

Probes are being conducted by the FBI; the larger intelligence “community,” including the National Security Agency; the Senate Intelligence Committee; the House Intelligence Committee; the House Oversight Committee, and, of course the new special counsel, jut-jawed Robert Mueller.

All of these entities have subpoena power, or can get it through others, and all have long and overlapping lists of witnesses they want to investigate in private and in public.

They can and ultimately will, at the end of the play, answer the fateful question, one of the most serious that can be asked here: Did a foreign power, a malevolent and hostile one at that, have witting and willing partners in Trump or his circle?

And there are the other urgent final questions in any Washington drama: Did the president try to cover up what he and others knew and did, and did he obstruct justice in a way that could get him impeached by the House and convicted by the Senate?

Trump and Comey together insured this production would go big-time because of mutual distrust.

On Jan. 6 in Trump Tower, the then-FBI director stayed behind after a security briefing to warn the president-elect about the existence of a soon-to-be published FBI source memo with “salacious” but uncorroborated accusations about him. Comey wanted to be candid and helpful, and not come off as a “J. Edgar Hoover” clone threatening others, he testified.

Trump furiously denied the accusations in the FBI source’s memo ― and almost certainly immediately concluded that Comey was a serious threat. Comey, for his part, said he went into that meeting knowing that he had to memorialize it afterward, because of what he already knew about Trump’s character. 

That memo-writing habit helped Comey make the opening act such a smash hit. He’s not a choir boy, though he would like to meet that standard, even if playing bureaucratic hardball is the only way to do it.  

He disclosed in the hearing that he had leaked word of Trump’s pressuring him so that Attorney General Jeff Sessions would have no choice but to appoint a special counsel to take over. Mission accomplished.

But Comey is only the first of many potential antagonists likely to appear. Other potential main characters include:

  • Sessions, who recused himself from the Russia probe because of his own contacts with the Putin crowd, and who, in doing so, earned Trump’s enmity and suspicions. Does Sessions leave, and if so, what will he then say?

  • Former National Security Adviser Mike Flynn, a Putin pal and Russophile whom everyone but Trump distrusted, and whose financial dealings may make him vulnerable.

  • The “Satellites.” These are the people Trump views as his aides, advisers and hangers-on. They are people he depends on, but from whom he keeps legal and functional distance. It’s the operating method of spies and the mob. As Comey vividly explained Thursday, if you “turn over rocks” in an FBI or other investigation, you may find that people have committed crimes unrelated to the main issue at hand, in this case Russia collusion. These perps can then be “flipped and squeezed” to tell what they know.

  • Putin. He has denied all, and recently in Moscow somehow managed to work conspiracy theories about the Kennedy assassination into his answer. The world troll of democracy is eager to play in the American media, and is enjoying his role as defender of due process for his beleaguered comrade in authoritarian arms, Trump.

  • Republicans. GOP members of the Senate Intelligence Committee for the most part went meekly before Comey. They didn’t attack him much, and they did not defend Trump much, either. Will that change, in one direction or the other, and if so, when? We’ve got months to go to get a real answer – perhaps even until after the 2018 midterm elections.

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While You Were Paying Attention To Comey, House Republicans Voted For Everything Big Banks Want

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WASHINGTON ― While much of the political world was watching the fallout from former FBI Director James Comey’s Senate testimony Thursday, House Republicans were jamming through a bill that would largely gut the financial regulations in Dodd-Frank, the landmark banking legislation passed in 2010 after the worst financial crisis since the Great Depression.

But instead of quietly sneaking the legislation through, Republicans were loudly touting the bill ― which passed, 233-186, with all Democrats and one Republican (Walter Jones of North Carolina) voting no ― as a major victory.

Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wis.) spent most of the week pointing to the measure as a win for community banks, calling the so-called Financial CHOICE Act the “crown jewel” of a GOP effort to peel back regulations and bolster the economy. And Republicans, largely looking for something to discuss instead of Comey or Trump or any number of the other associated scandals, used the legislation as their preferred talking point of the week.

“The big banks are bigger. The small banks are fewer. We’re losing a community bank or credit union a day,” Financial Services Committee Chairman Jeb Hensarling (R-Texas), the sponsor of the bill, said Thursday.

When HuffPost asked House Republicans about the bill Wednesday and Thursday ― whether easing Wall Street regulations was really the message of the 2016 election ― GOP lawmakers quickly reframed the measure as a win for community banking.

“We’re getting rid of ‘too big to fail,’ and we’re saving the little banks,” Rep. Ted Yoho (R-Fla.) said. “There was over 14,000 community banks. We’re losing one a day; we’re under 7,000.”

Ways and Means Chairman Kevin Brady (R-Texas) said the legislation would lift regulations off local banks so they could more freely lend to their communities and small business. He said that small banks had been “getting killed” by the regulations in the Dodd-Frank Act.

Freshman Rep. James Comer, who was a director of a community bank before coming to Congress, said he saw firsthand the impact of Dodd-Frank on small banks.

“With the community banks, they paid the price for the sins of the big banks,” Comer (R-Ky.) said. “And in small towns, it’s become much harder to borrow money.”

But Democrats were quick to point out that if Republicans simply wanted to help small banks, they could have crafted a bill that did so without gutting other consumer protections meant to protect the market from risky bets.

“This is about going backwards,” Rep. Jim McGovern (D-Mass.) told HuffPost. “Republicans were never very enthusiastic about holding Wall Street to account or protecting consumers, and this shows it.”

“It moves us back to an era before the 2008 meltdown when there was no one watching Wall Street,” Rep. Jared Polis (D-Colo.) said of the bill.

“If the Republicans were interested in some productive changes around community banking, there’s many Democrats who’ve been at the table on that as well,” Polis continued, “but this bill would remove the critical consumer protections that were put in place from Dodd-Frank.”

Republicans were never very enthusiastic about holding Wall Street to account or protecting consumers, and this shows it.
Rep. Jim McGovern (D-Mass.)

Specifically, the bill would subject the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau to the appropriations process, meaning lawmakers could substantially cut, or even defund, the consumer watchdog. Democrats say subjecting the CFPB to congressional appropriations is the first step in eviscerating the agency.

The CHOICE Act would also cut the so-called Volcker Rule, which was meant to stop big banks from making speculative bets with taxpayer-backed funds. (Simple in premise, the Volcker Rule is in fact incredibly complex and contains multiple exemptions too large and purposeful to be called loopholes.) The bill would also remove regulators’ increased power over “systemically important financial institutions.” (Colloquially, these are the ‘too big to fail’ institutions.)  

Republicans have cannily described that ‘too big to fail’ designation as meaning the institutions are earmarked for bailouts. In fact, it subjects the institutions to greater regulation and forces them to produce plans showing they can fail without government intervention, and big finance companies fight ― and sometimes sue ― to avoid the tougher regulation the designation brings.

The legislation also would prohibit the Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. from overseeing plans on how banks with more than $50 billion in holding assets would be unwound should they need to go into bankruptcy. And the bill would substantially lower capital requirements.

For years, as an alternative to Dodd-Frank, some Republicans have proposed increasing capital requirements as a simple way to make banks safer. Bankers and their lobbyists would often offer general agreement to such a trade. But given the chance to write such a bill, the banking industry and Republican lawmakers showed their hand: Higher capital requirements are out, and a banking system loaded up with more debt is in.

Dodd-Frank, like the complex and interrelated financial system it regulates, does not have a simple, identifiable core. There is no one main thing Dodd-Frank does or stops. Instead, Dodd-Frank reins in the hugely diverse, interconnected financial world ― banks, hedge funds, mortgage originators, insurance companies, debt collectors, payday lenders ― by creating dozens and dozens of new rules, processes and organizations. The CHOICE Act rips almost every bit of this away. If Dodd-Frank is the ecosystem of a wooded hillside and gentle stream, the CHOICE Act is mountaintop removal mining.

From the very inception of Dodd-Frank, the political right has seized on the law as onerous and harmful to economic growth. Gutting the law would be a substantial “win” for Republicans in their minds, particularly when they can paint their actions as helping small banks.

But the bill undeniably allows riskier bets from banks and restrains the ability of regulators to monitor Wall Street. The legislation certainly would make it easier on small-town banks to lend more of their money, but the measure is wrapped in so many other sops to the financial industry that it’s unlikely to go anywhere in the Senate, where it’s subject to 60 votes to pass. Even the Trump administration gave a less than full-throated endorsements of the legislation in a statement, saying the administration “looks forward to working with the Senate on arriving at a final piece of legislation.”

Still, the prospect of passing a bill ― any bill ― that Republicans like and Democrats hate was enough to thrill GOP lawmakers. Amid all the news about Russia and Comey on Thursday, Republicans set up a “media row” in one of the House office buildings so members could play up their action on Dodd-Frank and try to muddle headlines about the president potentially obstructing justice. And as absurd as that plan may sound, it, in part, seemed to work.

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Experts Don't Recommend Writing Comey-Style Memos About Your Boss

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On Thursday, Sen. James Risch (R-Idaho) complimented former FBI Director James Comey on the detailed memos in which Comey documented, among other things, President Donald Trump’s request that he stop a federal investigation into former national security adviser Michael Flynn.

“I find it concise, and having been a prosecutor for a number of years and handling hundreds, maybe thousands of cases and read police reports, investigative reports, this is as good as it gets,” Risch said during Comey’s testimony before the Senate Intelligence Committee. “Not only the conciseness and the clearness of it, but also the fact that you have things that were written down contemporaneously when they happened.”

If you want to remember something accurately, writing out a description of it immediately after it happens is the most reliable way to do so.

In Comey’s case, his status as onetime leader of the FBI makes those notes even more valuable. The New York Times noted in May that “an F.B.I. agent’s contemporaneous notes are widely held up in court as credible evidence of conversations.” 

Still, human memory is imperfect.

Writing down memories is a form of what psychologists call rehearsal ― a way to retain information and solidify it in memory by repeating and revisiting it. But the technique has its drawbacks. While you can strengthen your recollection of certain details by writing them out, the details you don’t focus on can end up fading from your memory faster ― a psychological phenomenon known as retrieval-induced forgetting. 

“If you see some event and you rehearse parts of it, those parts you rehearse are strengthened in memory, but at the same time, the non-rehearsed parts are weakened in memory,” Elizabeth Loftus, a cognitive psychologist and expert on memory formation at the University of California, Irvine, told HuffPost.

And while it’s standard for FBI employees to keep detailed logs, typically to preserve evidence, according to psychology experts, it’s not necessarily a habit that non-federal agents should incorporate into their lives. 

“The world in which we all have to keep memos is a sad world,” Eli Finkel, a social psychology professor at Northwestern University, told HuffPost. “But if you believe that you can’t trust the people around you, the people that you work with, then you need to set all sorts of safeguards in place to protect yourself.”

Notably, Comey did not document his interactions with former Presidents Barack Obama or George W. Bush. 

“When trust is badly damaged or compromised, it’s sensible ― in fact, it’s a very good idea ― to put mechanisms in place to protect yourself,” Finkel said.

Sensible, yes ― but it could also be a sign of an unhealthy situation.

In fact, if you find yourself documenting negative interactions with your boss or your partner, or even just thinking that you need to do so, it could be a sign that you should find a new job or think critically about your relationship.

“I think it’s a sufficient cue that trust is badly damaged,” Finkel said. “If you are doing that with your partner, I would say that you should get help in your marriage.”

To be sure, there’s a time and a place for keeping written records. Journaling, for instance, has been shown to help manage anxiety and reduce worry. And group note-taking, such as recording official minutes for a work meeting, can ensure productivity and help an organization run more smoothly. 

But those instances are very different from “surreptitiously ensuring that you have your ducks in a row,” as Finkel put it.

Loftus, meanwhile, is worried that all the attention given to Comey’s memos might have a backfiring effect.

“What is it going to teach people?” she asked. “Is it going to teach people to make up notes soon afterwards, in anticipation of somebody telling a different story later on?”

Loftus stressed that she doesn’t think that’s what Comey did. “But,” she said, “I think this whole experience invites us to think about that potential.”

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